19 May, 2025

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Between Mandate & Momentum: Sri Lanka’s Local Polls Signal Hope & Hesitation For The NPP Government

By Roshan Pussewela

When Sri Lankans went to the polls on 6th May for the long-awaited local authority elections, the atmosphere was markedly different from previous contests. After years of economic upheaval, political mistrust, and a dramatic presidential transition, this election offered more than a routine contest for local power, it served as a national barometer of trust, hope, and frustration. The National People’s Power (NPP), led by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, won convincingly, capturing over 43% of the national vote and more than 3,900 of the 8,793 local seats. But beneath the surface of this electoral triumph lies a complex tapestry of public sentiment, rising expectations, and urgent governance challenges.

From Protest to Power: The NPP’s Evolution

The NPP’s rise is no longer just a story of outsider resistance or anti-corruption rhetoric. The local authority elections mark the party’s full transition from opposition to governance. In Colombo, Gampaha, Kandy, and other urban centers, NPP victories affirmed its appeal among middle-class and working-class voters who seek efficient administration and clean leadership. Even in traditionally competitive districts like Matara and Kurunegala, the NPP showed resilience against entrenched political forces.

Yet, the party’s support is not evenly distributed. In the Northern and Eastern provinces, Tamil parties like the ITAK held sway, and voter turnout remained patchy, suggesting that minority communities, while not hostile to the NPP, still feel underrepresented or uncertain about its long-term commitment to reconciliation and pluralism.

Reading the Results: Hope, But Not Blank Cheque

This was not a wave of unconditional enthusiasm. Voter turnout, while reasonable at 61.88%, indicates residual disillusionment. Many Sri Lankans are cautiously hopeful, but not wholly convinced. The NPP’s rhetoric around system change resonated, but voters are already beginning to measure words against results.

In many parts of the country, the NPP was rewarded not just for what it has done, but for what people hope it will do. That optimism is powerful, but volatile. Local governments, as the closest interface between citizens and the state, will now test whether the NPP can deliver on everyday services: garbage collection, water access, permit processing, and local infrastructure.

Strengths of the Campaign

The NPP’s strategy blended modern and traditional outreach. Digital media campaigns effectively reached the youth vote, while door-to-door mobilization retained a grassroots flavor. Their candidates, often first-timers with professional or activist backgrounds, created a fresh contrast to career politicians tainted by corruption or cronyism. In cities, particularly, their clean image and sharp messaging cut through.

But political marketing cannot substitute for governance. The next two years will test whether the NPP’s narrative of change can survive the slow grind of administration.

Government at a Crossroads: Challenges and Missteps

The election results are as much a warning as a celebration. While the NPP remains popular, several internal and strategic flaws have begun to emerge:

1. Policy Execution Lag

Despite articulating bold national policies on economic recovery, decentralization, and education reform, the NPP government has struggled with execution speed. Bureaucratic inertia and the lack of a strong second-tier leadership have slowed implementation. Local government victories must now be matched with concrete service improvements.

2. Urban Elitism vs Rural Reality

Critics within civil society and even some left-aligned unions have raised concerns that the NPP’s top leadership is overly focused on macroeconomic reforms while neglecting bread-and-butter rural issues. Farmer support schemes, fisheries protection, and rural banking access need urgent rethinking.

3. Strained Ethnic Relations

While the NPP has avoided chauvinistic rhetoric, it has not taken bold steps toward post-war reconciliation either. In the North and East, symbolic gestures (such as language parity in government offices and dignified commemorations of civilian losses) remain pending. Without visible action, the party risks being seen as another Southern-centric government.

4. Media and Internal Transparency

There is growing concern about the NPP’s media strategy since coming to power. Some independent journalists allege that access to press conferences has been restricted, and criticisms are met with defensiveness rather than introspection. This trend, if not corrected, could undermine the government’s credibility.

5. Delay in Justice and Accountability for Past Crimes

One of the cornerstones of the NPP’s rise to power was its unflinching promise to hold corrupt political elites accountable and deliver long-denied justice for economic crimes, abuse of power, and large-scale fraud. Yet, one year into its administration, progress on high-profile prosecutions has been painfully slow. While institutional resistance and legal procedural constraints are real, the perception among the public is one of backpedaling or timidity in the face of entrenched power.

The lack of visible legal consequences for former officials implicated in large-scale financial mismanagement, particularly those linked to the Rajapaksa-era regimes and the 2022 economic collapse, has begun to erode the moral authority of the NPP’s anti-corruption stance. Investigative commissions have been formed, and files have been reopened, but the absence of decisive indictments or convictions feeds suspicion that the NPP may be slipping into the same culture of compromise that plagued its predecessors.

Justice delayed, in this context, is not merely justice denied, it is also a squandered political moment. Each delay risks alienating the very public that stood in protest lines and voted for systemic change. If the NPP does not expedite its pursuit of justice, not only will it lose credibility, but it will also embolden the old guard and weaken public faith in the possibility of genuine reform.

Learning from the Verdict

The NPP has not yet lost public trust, but it is approaching a critical inflection point. The local elections offer a mandate, but not a blank cheque. The message from voters is clear: “You have the power. Now show us the difference.”

Local councils under NPP control must be held to higher standards on budgets, transparency, and responsiveness. The government would also do well to delegate more authority to regional party structures, allowing innovation and localized decision-making rather than central command.

What Comes Next

The results signal that traditional parties—UNP, SLFP, SLPP—are no longer viable alternatives in their current forms. The SJB remains a credible opposition force, but must articulate a clearer identity. Meanwhile, the NPP must understand that its greatest asset—public trust—is also its most fragile.

To maintain momentum, the NPP government should:

* Publish transparent performance dashboards for local councils.

* Establish citizen feedback mechanisms in every NPP-run municipality.

* Prioritize minority engagement with clear timelines for policy action.

* Conduct an internal audit of governance lapses since the presidential election.

Conclusion: A Country Waiting

Sri Lanka is not asking for miracles. It is asking for dignity, honesty, and competence. The local elections have given the NPP a rare opportunity in Sri Lankan politics—a chance to lead from the grassroots up. If squandered, the backlash will be swift. If used wisely, it could mark the beginning of a genuinely democratic, equitable transformation.

The clock is ticking—and this time, the people are watching.

Latest comments

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    This is a country ruled by the kings and their henchmen with a tight autocratic system for thousands of years. Feudal system thrived, with a strong caste based enslavement system in place. Then for 310 years it was a scattered, mixed system by the colonists and kings in different regions. Thereafter, for 133 years by the British who initiated impactful western democracy in their political system to get rid of feudal, and caste based social order. I do not need to do any introductions about our own ‘patriots’ who took over 77 years ago. Having gone through all these changes biologically, and learning more from historical information, most Sri Lankans do not have an idea of the fundamentals of good governance. What works well for every citizen with social justice as the prime objective is still not ingrained in our people’s minds although they claim to have political maturity. Knowledge of democratic politics, law and administration is still a distant reality for most people although they all talk about democracy, corruption and mismanagement. The very reason why we quite often see so called educated people writing comments about corruption free society while supporting notoriously corrupt politicians. We still do carry genes originated during the feudal regimes of ancient kings!

  • 0
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    Roshan Pussewela, You are bold!

  • 1
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    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ic0rZVBU900&t=1694s

    Unfortunately, what has happened to our nation today?
    Those who mocked GOTABAYA’s election and the authority bestowed upon him and did nothing remained silent when a girl child who had been raped committed suicide five months prior.

  • 3
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    cont.
    .
    People chose “liars” as the next option because they had no other choice.
    Let me summarize the political events of the past few years in our hell:
    By July 2022, its people had driven out all of the former men. Mr. RW took a risk for the people.However, hate-mongering organizations led by the AKD misinterpreted it.
    Even though people were aware that the AKD and other senior JVP men did nothing but engage in round-the-clock protests, set fire to public buildings, and murder their opponents, the AKD was elected because people had no other option. People were afraid of them in some way because they are actual criminals who hate everything. By now, Bimal and Tilvin have proven it.

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