3 July, 2022


De-Constructing The Impeachment Politically From A ‘Left Democratic’ Perspective

By Kusal Perera

Kusal Perera

Now that the Mayan calender has been cleared of all doubts on the “Apocalypse” that was predicted for 21 December, 2012, to begin a new calender, let me get back to the attempt at impeaching Chief Justice (CJ) Bandaranayake by the Rajapaksa regime. I used to call this regime a “Kleptocracy”. Now, on one hand, it shows a logical path such a regime could politically traverse and thus on the other hand, makes me redefine it as a “Plundogarchy” [‘Plunder’ = illegal appropriation of wealth often by force + ‘Oligarchy’ = rule by a small group of people]. This new definition of the Rajapaksa regime as a “Plundogarchy” is what makes it easier to understand it and thus its attempt at impeaching the Chief Justice that by now has catapulted the regime to override the judiciary in its totality.

The basic or the fundamental political character of this regime, that keeps Ranil Wickremasinghe also compromising with it at every step, is its firm resolve to travel along with a “free market” economy. This “free market” economic model, does register a nominal growth rate numerically, though it keeps a majority of the population out of the “market” and out of actual economic life. Its claims that the per capita income had increased quite fast during the pat few years and Moody’s rating agency fixing SL as the richest in South Asia with a 2,800 US dollar per capita per annum, noted, “the GDP is being enriched by worker remittances overseas which has been growing at over 15 per cent annually.” That in fact shows what type of a shallow growth this is, and this annual per capita income when turned into rupees per month at 29,400, would mean the whole rural population and the urban poor is no where there. This is again another indicator that wealth is being fast accumulated in Colombo and no where else. That simply is what this Rajapaksa economy is about.

Internationally and regionally, they have not fared too bad, though globally, the neo liberal economy is yet to recover from its recent meltdown. The IMF still feeds them well enough to survive. So is India and China that pumps in money through credit lines and loans. Other donors like USAID, GIZ, JICA who use, (let me stress that word USE), reconciliation, reconstruction and poverty in war torn areas to give this regime both credibility and funds, have a ready helping hand. Also, the regime’s accommodation of IMF and World Bank economic strategies in trying to maintain that very shallow growth, allows the local entrepreneur to live dependent on State patronage, but comfortable in being able to do business. It is not easy for any elected government to maintain a representative democratic content in governance, while nurturing such an economy with State patronage for business that accumulates wealth centred around Colombo. For that also has the larger side of it where State patronises mega corruption, in fact plunder and looting, partly on the labour strength of the “soldier” and that of the repressive presence of the military entrenched in civil administration.

Thus the nature of this Rajapaksa regime too comes in as very important, in understanding the reasons for this impeachment against the CJ. Political power is no more within the Constitutionally established bodies for governance. It is with a coterie of men who decides on monetary policy and finances, decides on all national policy, but are never answerable to any constitutional agency. Its power usurped on the strength of a Presidency that is constitutionally kept immune to the law of the land. The constitution is left only as a democratic façade to be used where and when necessary.

This Rajapaksa presidency therefore uses the Jayawardne Constitution to its maximum advantage that leaves even Ranil W envious. The 18 Amendment to date is the last it added as an Amendment to the Constitution in usurping more power to the already over loaded  Executive Presidency. It thus has the policy making and decision making role of the parliament totally under its control, leaving the parliament to legitimise and legislate, only what it wants, the way it wants. This is now quite apparent in how the Budget 2013 went through parliament and how the Divi Neguma Bill came to the Order Paper of the parliament, compromised by the whole Opposition led by the UNP. Legislators like Eran Wickramaratne calls them “Unconstitutional” in the media, unfortunately, only after his party voted in parliament to legitimise all such “unconstitutionality”. The UNP has thus completed its role in establishing a parliament that has nothing to do with the people who elect it.

Now it is only a group of 225 men and women “selected” through a democratic hoax of an election, comfortably housed within the wildlife sanctuary in the Diyawannawa; most things wild and beastly they do, this Rajapaksa regime decides they should do. The era that could demand “transparency, accountability and good governance” from a regime like this, has now come to an end. This is what even gentlemen Sinhala lobbyists like S.L Gunasekara who dreamt of a decent, democratic government when the LTTE is defeated and therefore refused to accept this brutal human massacre by the name “war against terrorists” would only establish an openly arrogant rogue regime and nothing else, is now left with to denounce in the harshest language they know.

The impeachment against the CJ therefore is only the most logical step for this regime. This regime, having stalled the constitutional process of governing through parliament and taken that power into the hands of a few in the regime, has to have the apex of the judiciary (the SC and the CoA that determine and rule on FR petitions and Writ applications) also out of the constitutional process. They would not in any way have the regime answerable to the rulings and determinations of the Supreme Court or of the Court of  Appeal. The attempt is to lift the parliament high above that of the higher Courts, breaking all norms and traditions of co-existence between the legislator and the judiciary, in a Westminster type of government. Thus the common rhetoric on the “Supremacy” of the parliament, at any cost by both the Rajapaksa regime and Wickramasinghe’s UNP. It is supremacy of a parliament that no more represents the sovereignty of the people who elected it. It is a foregone conclusion, the Speaker and those in government, would not honour the decision(s) made by the CoA on the writ application filed by the CJ. It would continue as a fist fight, till the regime finally wrest control of these higher judicial Courts. The lower Courts have never been an issue for any government for that matter, for they handle only issues that ordinary men and women waste time and money on, with an inefficient and corrupt system in their functioning, including the lawyers themselves. (President accepted in his budget speech in 2010 November, there are 650,000 unsolved cases in our Courts – MCs, DCs and HCs)

That in a way explains how and why the whole anti impeachment campaign is also class based. It is a campaign by the urban middle class and the elites only. Lower segments in society seem unruffled by the plain and pure legal approach in countering the impeachment by the elite in the city and the more concerned legal fraternity. Thus it remains a wholly inadequate campaign in facing a regime that decides politically and acts politically. The Rajapaksa regime can not be contained within legal arguments and legal forums. Such protest campaigns could only legally and academically expose the regime for their arrogance against democratic governance within the more concerned urban middle class. But this regime is into devaluing all such legal approaches and systems, themselves. Such exposure therefore, is not one the regime is very much worried about, any more. This could be seen in how they use the media and their stunt men in simply ridiculing and humiliating the whole judicial system and the legal fraternity too. They are politically content as long as they could keep their rural lower middle class and the predominantly Sinhala agricultural voter base, intact till the next elections, two years hence.

The use of the 13 Amendment once again as a “patriotic” cry for re aligning the Sinhala middle class in support of the regime that defeated “LTTE separatism”, new media hype about “re grouping” of LTTE cadres in South India, projecting student agitations for democratic space in their universities and student arrests in Jaffna as arrests of pro LTTE elements, are nothing but glue to keep the Sinhala voter base without cracking up (this proves why the likes of S.L.G and Gomin keep saying they are not against the Rajapaksa government, despite their wrath over the impeachment).

Therefore, within this regime’s Sinhala campaign package, it is quite apparent, there is no space or possibility to save the judiciary, by saving the individual, Chief Justice Bandaranayake. It is also clear, there is not enough attraction in this Sinhala society for the academic slogan, isolated as that of an independent judiciary. This judiciary as it is, is too corrupt, working with other equally corrupt law enforcement agencies and too inefficient and callous in its delivery of justice, for the ordinary Sinhala man and women to take judicial “independence” seriously enough for any breach of allegiance from this Sinhala Rajapaksa regime.

With the UNP also consciously avoiding challenging this regime, not wanting to see the State and its authority cracking up, it would take a “Left” discourse to seek an alternate programme for the people to get out of this chaos in the making. The “chaos” the Court of Appeal too sees coming round the corner (“….Any decision disregarding these proceedings to alter the status quo may lead to a chaotic situation.” – quote from CoA decision / 21 Dec., 2012).

For me, a far more serious issue though, is to find such a “Left” discourse in Sri Lanka, where the “Left” has left the “Left” politically to be either ‘fleas’ on this degenerating socio political carcase, or bag carrying porters waiting on the now abandoned “platform for freedom”, that was earlier leased to the UNP of Wickramasinghe. The discourse therefore has to begin with perhaps, loose groups of federated “freelance” Leftists in Sri Lanka and may be from the Diaspora.

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  • 0

    No worries, The end of Rajapassa’s world is nigh! The Lankan Spring will blossom come 2013!
    Rajapassa and his corrupt family will soon be impeached and thrown behind bar for MASSIVE CORRUPTION destroying institutions and bringing harm and disrepute to the Judiciary and the legislature!
    What is most troubling is the silence of the cunning lamb –Ranil Wickramasinghe who should be on the streets educating the people on the corruption endemic in the parliament and executive rather than imposing a gag order on the UNP and waltzing off over seas!

    • 0

      The anti government forces with the help of the Diaspora and other international conspirators have joined together to attack the government over a corrupt CJ. President Mahinda Rajapakse is the greatest leader SriLanka had post independence . He liberated the country from terrorism at a time the UNP and the JVP were prepared to handover one third of the country to the terrorists. All the niggers are coming out of the woodpile now to attack Mahinda as the country is now free. Where were these moralists who talk about judicial independence and ethics when JVP insurgents and LTTE killers were summarily executing civilians and anyone who opposed them. I ask Mahinda to sack the CJ and also to deport her to Maldives where she can hear cases there. All the anti government forces including the remnants of Tigers and the big mouthed Sinhalese have joined forces to topple Mahinda. The dogs bark but the caravan moves on! The ordinary masses are with the government and after all who is this CJ?

  • 0

    Great Stuff Kusal keep it coming!
    The corruption, the buck stop somewhere and it seems it has done so with the CJ! now in a classic martial arts move – it is time to use the energy to reverse the trend, tip the tables and move to impeach Mahinda Rajapakse and his brothers for gross corruption and abuse of power – this could technically be done by the urban legal minds, academics and professionals coming together is as you say a class based movement while conducting a massive voter education campaign on why Rajapassa stinks, is bad for democracy and economy and needs to me put behind bars – regardless of the purported mass appeal of this despicable regime to the Sinhala voters who are greatly reduced at this time!
    The JVP may yet take up the challenge, while the UNP’s Ranil Wickramasinghe talks bull shit about the superimacy of a parliament of morons!

    • 0

      I reckon that the support for Rajapakse is highly over-rated by most commentators including Kusal. The Sinhala masses are quite fed up with the rising cost of living, and Rajapakse family corruption and cronyism. A proper campaign to educate the folk by the joint opposition would ensure that the tipping point when Rajapassa can be toppled by a peoples’ mobilization on the streets over the impeachment would be fairly straight forward if the joint opposition could get its act together..
      The main problem is that There is no PARTY POLITICAL Alternative (TINA) today, since the awful slimy UNP dictator Ranil Wickramasinghe is covertly supporting the Rajapakse Dictatorship since Ranil loves being leader of the Opposition in a Parliament full of morons even as he fears and hates the people who will not vote for him. Ranil hence avoids talking to the people, going to the streets and educating them and prefers palace politics and prating about the “superiority of the parliament” of morons of which he is the biggest MORON & ANTI-DEMOCRAT.
      Karu and Sajith hence need to marginalize Ranil and take over the UNP party and lead a people’s movement on the street given the constitutional crisis and standoff between judiciary and executive and lead a voter education campaign for REGIME CHANGE! IN any case the professionals, lawyers and civil society have woken up and are on the move since the fat cat politicians from the opposition are also feeding merrily on Rajapassa’s bribery!

  • 0

    An admirably clear reading of this multifaceted process, taking Kusal’s recent arguments on this issue further. What is also to be admired is that it is evident they are the writings of a person committed to a cause, not some passive observer, as seen through the statement on behalf of the Free Trade Workers’ Union that appeared on lankanewsweb sinhala page.

    This piece and that statement in Sinhala read together, however, raise a number of questions:

    a) In this piece Kusal writes “They are politically content as long as they could keep their rural lower middle class and the predominantly Sinhala agricultural voter base, intact till the next elections, two years hence.” and also “…keep the Sinhala voter base without cracking up.”

    But in that sinhala statement, it highlights that it was the workers’ standing up to the regime against the “act” to plunder the ETF & EPF who at least defended the “supremacy of the people” (while reminding it wasn’t the opposition who didn’t do anything at the first reading of that bill).

    My question to Kusal here is: what are your thoughts about this act of standing up for safeguarding their savings by workers as a catalyst for engaging the other members of the labour force who value their savings and likely to cut through “patriotic” facade of the regime?

    And this EPF & ETF plundering is not an issue limited to blue collar segments of the labour force but bilingual and white collar levels too.

    b) (And though much more difficult to reach and organise, compared to ETF EPF contributing labour force) Divineguma is about plundering of “contributions” by mostly rural based sinhala populace. with your experience on how much issues of this nature motivates otherwise indifferent populace to make opinions on political leaders, what are your thoughts about taking this as a issue to reconsider (yes, it’s not easy given the media power) supporting regime versus judiciary ? (why judiciary for the time being? I’m sure you don’t want to promote the current opposition as an alternative though UNP waits until this regime collapses under its own weight of unpopularity and int’l players choking economy for UNP to walk in)

    c) You write it’s a foregone conclusion that the exceutive will override the supreme court and CofA, and assume near total control.

    The regime will need a pliant and nominally functioning judiciary, similar to an opposition it has in the parliament. But, with all its shortcomings in the past, the apex courts personnel (i.e. the judges with the massive prerogative they have in interpreting their jurisdictions in each case as individuals) have, as a group, and as an institution gone beyond the point of coming round siding with the executive. ( why they did that and how the regime couldn’t make them pliant in this crucial moment is a matter for another “left” based analysis) And the question to you is:

    unlike riding rough shod over political opponents ( ethnic opponents and those who stand up to their plundering), due to the nature and “status” of judiciary even in nominal democracies (lawyers of CJ can make serious allegations against agents of regime Ranil W or anyone dare not, supreme court & C of A judges can make tough rulings and be relatively safe) do you think this regime can do better than the clumsy ways other regimes ( in Pakistan, JR) did at their own peril as the nature of the battle for control is different and it is not to their strength?

    And what are your views instead of writing apex courts off, counting on the strength of the judiciary, with its “status”, as there are crucial cases (on EPF, cross overs) before the judiciary?

    d) Who gives the “face” to this anti regime campaign, as you clearly envisage a campaign beyond impeachment as the regime will continue to plunder? or is it an amorphous, information age based one where it’s difficult for regime to destroy without mass murder in urban areas?( as in some arab spring countries but not Egypt?)

    One small note on remittances, (pl. check if they are accounted for in GDP) and if % increase is in real terms or in Rs: and unadjusted to inflation will do a service for this great piece of writing and strategy.

    • 0

      Thanks LK,
      for your descriptive intervention and for the compliments attached. Yes, it is a tough life here, and hope you’d excuse this belated reply.
      As you say, the statement on the campaign for boycott of the coming impeachment report debate in parliament, has many references related to what I argued in my article, for obvious reasons that I don’t have to detail.
      But most questions and issues you have raised, requires serious discussion to find possible answers for, that I honestly don’t have ready made answers for. I would nevertheless, certainly contribute in developing such dialogue.
      Meanwhile, if I may clump a few of the questions posed by you on worker protests against the EPF bill, the rural voter base, the content of Sinhala influence on them, etc., my attempted answer(s) would be like this.
      While the UNP did not do anything about the Employers’ Pension Fund Bill in 2011 April-May, the actual campaign was by the FTZ & General Services Employees’ Union led by Anton Marcus. His organisational capacity and his novel approach in reaching the 53,000 plus workers in Katunayake and others in Biyagama and Koggala that did not have that much media coverage, was what brought out such fiery protests and settled the issue by 24 May. The 30 May anarchy was unwanted, but the JVP had to have some credit in the agitation, which led to this unnecessary death and mayhem thereafter.
      This campaign in the FTZ does raise a very important question. Here are young workers, 83% young females below 32 years, all from rural society. They come from Sinhala families that also provided soldiers to the war and most would have a “Ranaviru” brother in their family or extended family. They did rejoice openly after the war was declared over and therefore for sure, voted with the ruling Rajapaksas at the 2010 April elections.
      But what made them come out against this regime with such ferocity and for the first time tore apart the huge hoarding of President Rajapaksa himself in broad daylight and vowed to topple the government, if their demand of withdrawing the pension bill in parliament is not met?
      My answer is, while they would certainly accept the Rajapaksa regime as the only Sinhala patriotic leadership, their aspirations and demands just don’t freeze there. They now have other more important issues for their living, they would not compromise with. But they have to be positioned the way they could relate with.
      That’s what we did during 06 weeks of campaigning.
      You could contact the FTZ&GSEU at info@ftzunionlanka.org and request for the book on the agitation against the Employees’ Pension Fund, that has all relevant documentation from the initial cabinet paper to the draft bill, the FR petition filed with the SC and most leaflets and print media coverage.
      So, what I feel is, these don’t just crop up. They need some committed intervention from credible pragmatic leaders, willing to understand issues from outside the box.

      Would leave the rest for more inputs from others including you.

      • 0

        yes, thanks for the response. I’ll get in touch through the email address given here. And I want to contribute something more than just writing. Is there anyway I can do something.Is there a way to contact you and/or anton marcus?

        • 0

          OK. Drop a line to the e-mail address given and then networking wont be a problem

  • 0

    I hope articles like this are published in the Sinhala and tamil press also. The masses need to be aware of what harm this regime is doing to the name of the country and the welfare of it’s people. It is a terrible shame that with a weak and ineffective opposition party, Mahinda and his criminal gang are able to do what they like. It is therefore up to the people to provide the opposition in whatever way they can.

    The cunning Rajapaksa started the impeachment process to take the light off its budget proposals that would very badly affect the poor masses of the country. Rather than highlighting the illegality of the impeachment process the journalists should have concentrated on the budget and this would have brought the masses onto the streets in opposition to the regime. This would have shaken the regime to its foundations. Kusal Perera and other journalists opposed to the regime are doing a good job of exposing the dirty deeds of the Rajapaksa regime but it is the masses that need to be informed rather than the minority of middle class people who are able to access and read articles in English.

  • 0

    The rural agricultural vote only comes to play during the elections, otherwise they are a non-entity. On the other hand the middle class and the educated intelligesia are the people who drive the economy. No longer is the the middle class composed of urban elite. Today the majority of executives, managers, academics are those hailing from the rural areas. Many have settled down in the city and suburbs in order to better their education and prospects.

    The attack on the judiciary is only one symptom of a goverment in the throes of dictatorial leadership. It thrives on corruption and distribution of the wealth through a few appointed channels. If it is claimed that per capita income is USD 2800 then that is Rs 30,333.33 per person per month and a family of 4 should earn Rs 109,050.00 per month which is quite an high figure.

    The reality is that only 60.5% of the population are within the employment age limit. Of these 4.2% are supposed to be unemployed. If women consist of 50% of the population and say 50% of women are employed then we arrive at a figure of 8,445,000 employed. So GDP of 6,543 Bn Rs should result in an average income of Rs 774,777.98 per annum per person employed.

    Assuming an income distribution of employable persons as 50% – 10,000 per month, 25% – 20,000 per month, 10% – 50,000 per month, 10% – 100,000 per month, 4% – 200,000 per month, we have the balance 1% of employable population earning Rs 3,156,483.13 per month accounting for Rs 3,198 Bn of Rs 6,543 GDP or 48% of GDP. So this is the big mystery who this 1% is? But it becomes evident when we see that 70% of GDP is to be concentrated in the hands of 3 individuals and no doubt little fountains of mercy trickling down to the hands of their contractors, thugs and bodyguards.

  • 0

    Colombo telegraph:

    Please post the speech by retired Justice: Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely – by Justice Wigneswaran that was given at the recently concluded BASL Conference.

    It is a very informative speech about constitutional developments since JR that will be useful for the ongoing debates about CJ.

    @suryagamage nilan – CT published it first – CT

  • 0

    We all are aware that Rajapaksa regime is with corruptions and U used to call this regime a “Kleptocracy”. Rajapaksa regime as a “Plundogarchy” by now has catapulted the regime to override the judiciary .

    All these are correct and question is that Does UNP RANIL W prepare to take this challange ? Finally , Rajapake will come to the office for 3rd time.

    • 0

      Please direct your question to Ranil W for his answer to it.

  • 0

    2013 will be a make or break year for the govt. Whilst govt staggers from crisis to crisis the economy is now approaching a perilous state.

    The average national debt shouldered by each Sri Lankan has risen by 25% to reach Rs. 308,171 (US $ 2,371), from end of last year’s Rs.245, 980 (US $ 1,892), the monthly economic statistics released by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) showed.

    According to economists, high debt cost amid slow growth in export earnings (8.3% YoY) against growth in imports (11.2% YoY) in the first nine months could lead the country in to a foreign debt trap situation, as the country might opt for foreign borrowings to service earlier debt, and as a result the foreign debt servicing cost (capital + interest) is also expected to surge substantially.

    It seems we are heading for fresh round of price and tax increases in the new year. The Chintana which is hailed as the miracle formula for the country has run into serious problems much like the miracle cures of Dr. Eliyantha White, the personal physician of President.

  • 0

    Yes, Year 20…13 is going to hit direct on president’s family foundation from many sides.

    The sudden announcesment of early retirement of Minister Maithripala Sirisena and the questions on CJ impeachment raised by left parties show some singns of cracks in the Raja. foundation. Also MR’s crazy timing to import Lamborginis and the races, when no concessions given to workers from Budget and the heavy floods sent shock waves throughout country.

    Given the current position of the CJ trial relating to 3 charges, CJ is not only easily going to win the case, but also could trap all the 117 who signed the motion, and also the seven who were in the select committee.

    Also by not having blessings from three main Buddhist Preletes, but also from other religious heads re. CJ impeachment sends a signal of their apathy towards Rajapakse governance.

    Come March…GOSL going to face tough UNHR with a lame duck DPT.of FA and may have to face unold new measures.

    Also the new worker demands, FUTA, university entrance, Hedging, CB US $2.6 Billion and China Loan payments….all are due part payments in 1st quarter 2013.

    The worst will be the new International loans and GSP concessions tie up with Human Right issues and IDP settlements.


    If I were President I will avoid all the unnecessary troubles….like not only to immediately stop from proceeding CJ impeachment but also to settle all other issues amicably, atleast taking the NUMERICAL NUMBER…..13…INTO CONSIDERATION.

  • 0

    Mahinda Rajapakse is the greatest leader SriLanka had post independence . He liberated the country from terrorism at a time the UNP and the JVP were prepared to handover one third of the country to the terrorists. All the niggers are coming out of the woodpile now to attack Mahinda as the country is now free. Where were these moralists who talk about judicial independence and ethics when JVP insurgents and LTTE killers were summarily executing civilians and anyone who opposed them. I ask Mahinda to sack the CJ and also to deport her to Maldives where she can hear cases there. All the anti government forces including the remnants of Tigers and the big mouthed Sinhalese have joined forces to topple Mahinda. The dogs bark but the caravan moves on!

    • 0

      How much money you are getting paid from MR to destroy your motherland? I am looking forward to see the Rajapaksa regime removes the CJ. Then only the real drama will start, when Mahinda Rajapaksa starts to remove the intellectuals, he starts to remove himself, as Prabhakaran did. I am a Tamil and I know how the Tamils have been treated in Sri Lanka. The British divided the Tamils and Sinhalese for their own interests, so did the Indians. The Tamils and Sinhalese have gone through lots of pain and agony for generations, due to lack of decent leadership. I have doubts about the united Sri Lanka. However, I do not support Eelam, because the Tamils do not have good leaders, having separate country will not solve their problems either. The TNA is a joke, and the Tamil diaspora leaders are under the grip of the Westerners. I have visited every part of Sri Lanka this year. The Tamils never had equal rights, and I believe the Tamils will not have equal rights in the future either. Sri Lanka will never move forward, because it rules by fools and thugs. The Jaffna University students must focus on their studies to become political elites to lead their people. Following the LTTE will never take them anywhere. They have tried thirty years, but did not work. Why are they trying again? Only people who are mentally ill do the same thing again and again without expecting any change? Are they mentally ill?

  • 0

    I am looking forward to see the Rajapaksa regime removes the CJ. only the real drama will start, when Mahinda Rajapaksa starts to remove the intellectuals, he starts to remove himself, as Prabhakaran did. People like the CJ and Wijayadasa Rajapakshe must form a new political party. The UNP leader Ranil Wickremasinghe hasn’t done much for his motherland, currently he is not doing enough to rescue the country from one family. He is an observer, he is not a leader. Therefore, Wijayadasa Rajapakshe must resign from the UNP and start a new political party. The new political party must have high standards, a party member must have a degree. This is the only way to make Sri Lanka as wonder of Asia and knowledge hub.

    The PSC has declared the CJ is guilty of the charges without an accepted mechanism. Clearly, the UNP or SLFP does not want to improve the system when they are in power. Have they done anything to solve the ethnic minority’s problem since 1948. Have they achieved anything significantly since they got independence?
    What is the point of appointing Rani as a leader of the country and bringing the old mindset “achieve nothing for the country, but make yourselves rich”.

    The hundreds of Sri Lankan politicians won’t be in the top 10000 intellectuals who are well educated, have a very good understanding about their countries’ politics, and have a huge desire to serve their motherland. The system allows the fools to rule us, it was developed by the Westerners to keep the billions of people under them. The majority of the countries ruled by the Westerners are in the same situation. The Westerners are only 8%!of the world population, therefore they will do everything to destabilise other countries. Only the China can challenge the West, because the China was not invaded by the West, and the West could not establish their dirty tricks in China. India is moving forward slowly, because it gets lots of assistance from the West, in order to counterattack the China. The Chinese are advancing by their smartness. Even Bill Gates said that the Chinese communist party has lots of intellectuals. In India 627 million people do not have access to toilets, but the foolish Indian politicians are extremely rich, thanks to the British. Until we change the system we will not move forward. Whether you have a democratic or communism, if you are ruled by fools and thugs “you are screwed”.

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