By Mohamed Harees –

Lukman Harees

‘To sin by silence, when we should protest, Makes cowards out of men’- Ella Wheeler Wilcox

Social media was on fire after photographs emerged of Namal Rajapaksa flyboarding and on a jet ski in the Maldives. Meanwhile , an extravagant motorcycle parade Kalpitiya to Anuradhapura , organised by a group with reported connections to the top , despite the fuel crisis, was suspended following public outcry. Sri Lanka is meanwhile facing the double whammy of rising prices and high debt, and its people are bearing the brunt of it as the domestic situation turns increasingly grim. The growing scarcity of food, fuel and medicines on which Sri Lanka’s import-dependent economy survives, and a spike in inflation during 2021, has prompted warnings from some informed quarters that the country is on the cusp of bankruptcy. Economic decline is resulting in a complete breakdown of law and order. People are worried and there is a lot of anger directed at the government. However, as public anger seems to be not worrying Gotabaya ,the proverbial Nero – the most inept and corrupt government in recent history, playing fiddle while the nation is burning.

Gotabaya addressed the nation recently and disowned any responsibility to the national catastrophe he clearly authored. The public however knows very well how his tax concessions to the rich, his bungling fertilizer policy , chronic corruption of his family rule bursting at the seams and printing money endlessly, among many others, led to this disaster. Thus, once feared and respected ruling Rajapaksa family now see their effigies being hit and burned in the street, and spat at by even by those who once voted for them. Although their ethno-nationalist government sits still securely in power, there is mounting resistance to a regime that has thus driven Sri Lanka into economic crisis, amid continuous corruption. Significantly, despite the constant government and media promotion of anti-Tamil and anti-Muslim communal poison, workers of all ethnic backgrounds have participated in various anti- government rallies.

Those who were part of Gotabaya’s massive victory are now nowhere to be seen or found. The racist agenda on which most of them voted for their ‘Weda Karana Wiruwaa’ is almost forgotten. The same racism ghost appears to be haunting the Rajapakses, an irony indeed. Those who put the ruling Rajapkses in power are now joining those who did not vote, in the queues for gas and fuel. The Somadasas, Sivanandans, and Mohameds are all in the same plight, forgetting their racial and religious divides created by the Rajapakse camp in their greedy quest for power, sighing at their common destiny ahead and of their motherland with equal trepidation. They are all in the same storm, nursing their wounds,- with both their dignity and livelihoods shattered. This was the sad result of being duped by a scam – the Rajapakse magic, which led them to bring a ‘Cardboard Sando’ to power. What now occupies their collective minds is how to get rid of this accursed Rajapakse rule which has brought Sri Lanka to the verge of bankruptcy and international disgrace. How to return this corrupt genie back to the bottle?

Averse to what is developing around them, the Rajapaksa family wants to stay in power and build a political dynasty. Their corrupt governance is a major reason for the island’s recent democratic backsliding. Family, friends and allies of the Rajapaksas have reportedly profited by receiving lofty, well-paying, state-funded positions that require little work. Today Gotabaya, Mahinda, their two other brothers and Mahinda’s son oversee departments and agencies that collectively control nearly 70% of the island’s budget. Dubbed “The Terminator” by his own family, for his short temper, he has faced several corruption allegations, but his court cases have been frozen or withdrawn as he enjoys immunity after winning the presidency in 2019. So are many of his cronies who were acquitted of various corruption charges, which reflects adversely on the judiciary of Sri Lanka. Those who are enjoying immunity includes his brother Finance Minister Basil and his niece Nirupama of Pandora’s ill-fame. “We are acutely conscious that the actual amounts of wealth hidden offshore would be so much more than this [reported by ICIJ] – and it remains a massive problem for developing nations such as Sri Lanka,” the Transparency International Sri Lanka spokesperson said.

Rajapakse government has also systematically launched a police witch hunt against activists among teachers and students—arresting some, gathering names and filing court cases—in a warning of the further repression being prepared. The government’s shift to police state methods is part of an international phenomenon. Ruling classes around the world are turning to autocratic forms of rule, in response to rising social opposition. By increasingly shutting down avenues for political critique and protest, they appear to turn a blind eye to the risk of creating more serious conflicts.

To the great disappointment of civil society organisations and international community, who had embraced the Yahapalanaya government’s sweeping agenda for change, internal divisions and tensions meant that the coalition government was unable to follow through on many of its commitments, including bringing corrupt Rajapkases to book. As a result of the Yahapalanaya government’s inability to act decisively on its reformist agenda, space opened up for detractors to ‘control the discourse:’ the political opposition, dominated by the Rajapaksas. The new Rajapaksa government immediately signalled a shift away from the liberal, reformist rhetoric of its Yahapalanaya predecessor. There was also an immediate hardening of the government’s position in relation to ethnic minorities. These moves have been accompanied by a considerable crackdown on political dissent, as the government relies on existing laws and policies to suppress critical voices. The victor’s peace since 2009 created difficulties for Sri Lankan civil society human rights activists working to pursue ‘justice’ for crimes committed during the war. Ultimately, the return of the Rajapaksa family to power provides an important lesson on the need to take a long-term perspective on peacebuilding, democratisation, and establishing social justice in Sri Lanka.

On the other hand, various anti-government protests today also highlight the island’s democratic resilience. This simultaneous fortitude and retreat notwithstanding, the prospect of Sri Lanka appears gloomy with alarming signs of Sri Lanka being mired in violence and militarised autocracy emerging, portending another year of disasters. Well known social scientist Prof. Siri Hettige speaking to a local newspaper predicts that this public anger reflects the extreme levels of frustration and disappointment and has the likelihood of breaking down accepted social civilised ethos. The explosive situation will even adversely impact of the governance of the country in the times ahead too. Sri Lanka thus sits atop a raging social volcano.

Protests are signals: “We are unhappy, and we won’t put up with things the way they are.” But for that to work, the “We won’t put up with it” part has to be credible. Nowadays, large protests sometimes lack such credibility with political vested interests hijacking the cause. Besides, digital technologies have also made them so much easier to organize. They are often large-scale gatherings of citizens who are determined to challenge fundamental policies or structures of power. Protesters have been prepared to confront harsh treatment by security forces and sometimes brutal repression. It is hard not to have the sense from these events that something major is afoot in global politics. It appears that a new era of political flux is emerging as citizens demand more from their governments and mobilize in pursuit of their demands.

True, there have been rising activism among opposition parties in recent times to awaken the nation about these calamities and the imperative need for change. Defying all odds, supporters of the opposition such as SJB and NPP waged many types of protests carrying placards and shouting slogans against spiralling prices and shortages worsened by a foreign exchange crisis that’s led to import controls. Farmers, teachers, and government servants went on strike demanding reasonable and effective policies and living wages. Protests, although ad-hoc were led by grassroots civil society groups too. Previously, village-level groups may have avoided challenging Rajapaksa governments given their mutual commitment to Sinhalese Buddhist supremacy. Their now-vociferous demands show the strength of civil society, and resilience of democracy in Sri Lanka. However, the protests and ad-hoc public anger still appear to pose no immediate threat to Rajapaksas, whose government, commands a two-thirds majority in parliament and also has been using a political ruse like racism and short-term perks to divert public attention.

Protesters are often painted in Sri Lanka as disruptors, terrorists and a nuisance, yet across the world demonstrations and direct action have been a vital form of political engagement. An article in SL government owned Sunday Observer in Feb 2022 refers to strikes, protests and demonstrations as an intolerable public nuisance and advocates tougher laws to tackle them, which reflects government stance on the issue. It is unfortunate that several peaceful protests and demonstrations in Sri Lanka have been met with excessive use of force and the arrest or detention of activists journalists and demonstrators, and also using the Prevention of Terrorism Act to arrest and detain people. There have been systematic attempts by the authorities to prevent or disrupt protests and arrest peaceful protesters. In July 2021 the authorities imposed a ban on all protests and gatherings, claiming this measure was necessary to “prevent the spread of COVID-19”. Following this, the police cracked down on a number of protests, including activists, workers, students and farmers. Critics have also been targeted by the government to stifle dissent. UN High Commissioner on Human Rights Michelle Bachelet also noted that “surveillance, intimidation and judicial harassment of human rights defenders, journalists and families of the disappeared has not only continued, but has broadened to a wider spectrum of students, academics, medical professionals and religious leaders critical of government policies”.

However, civic engagement must become an expected part of democracy; it is not a threat to democratic governments. Public protests are manifestations of dissent and an expression of the urgent need to change policy. Across the world, major citizen protests are multiplying. The list of countries hit by major protests since 2010 is remarkably long and diverse. Many of these protests have been profoundly important events in the countries where they have taken place. In places such as the Arab world and beyond, protests have had major ramifications for politics, economics, and security.

Sri Lanka has a rich history of protests as means of airing grievances, and for demanding accountability and recognition for rights and freedoms The right to protest, as manifested in the freedom of assembly, association, and expression, is an important feature of a democratic society like Sri Lanka, and recognized in the Constitution subjected to certain limitations. It is equally important to ensure that these limitations are not the results of ad-hoc and arbitrary measures contrary to the rule of law and the equal protection of the law as guaranteed by Article 12 of the Constitution. It is pertinent to assess any bans on protests based on three criteria relating to legality, proportionality, and purpose, and any State responses to public protests which has adverse implications for the rule of law, independence of the judiciary, and the fundamental rights of citizens should be condemned and challenged.

Society must become better at protesting. We must learn from previous protest movements’ successes and failures, from their tactics and methods and from their determination to be inclusive. Protest should always be seen as a legitimate avenue towards policy change and influence, and one that must therefore professionalize to make politics more reflective of societies’ wants, needs and demands. As Elie Wiesel said, ‘there may be times when we are powerless to prevent injustice, but there must never be a time when we fail to protest”. Nothing strengthens authority so much as silence. So, let’s raise our voice against injustice and social injustice! We must; for even a single whisper can be quite a disturbance when the rest of the audience is silent. We must stand up and protest not just because it’s the right thing to do; we do so also to protect ourselves with the best tools we have at our disposal. Our protests convey a vital message to both government and its officials that peoples’ lives matter.

Protests are often seen in contexts where governments support those at the top and disadvantage those and by dividing those at the bottom. Racism is obviously one of their time-tested tools to keep the electorate divided. A protest can only bring about valuable policy change, when it is well-planned, focused, and also united irrespective of racial and religious differences. Protesters must express their displeasure and constructively present their demands as one voice. Proactive leaders must engage all protesters in a dialogue and find common demands to meet their needs. This way a protest can mirror the way the general public feels about warped government policy.