By MYM Siddeek –

Dr. MYM Siddeek

Resentment has been growing among the sizable portion of the Muslim community as a result of the NPP government‘s failure to appoint a Muslim to the cabinet, and it appears that demanding a ministerial portfolio specifically designated for the Muslim community in Sri Lanka is reasonable from both a representation standpoint and historical context. It means it is not just any portfolio but the ministry that can lessen the historic problems facing the Muslim community. For example, the Ministry of Muslim Religious, Cultural Affairs, and National Integration and Communal Harmony. A dedicated minister could focus on issues pertinent to the Muslim community, such as Islamic education, Islamic economic development, Muslim cultural preservation, and inter-community relations with and between Christians, Buddhists, and other religious groups that might otherwise be overlooked in broader governmental agendas.

One way to interpret the need for a specific ministerial portfolio for Muslims can also be interpreted as a component of a broader minority group battle for political recognition, identity, and empowerment. This stems from the fact that the Muslims are one of the major ethnic and religious minorities in Sri Lanka, which makes up about 9–10% of the country’s population strength. This community’s aspiration for a ministerial position also originates from a larger context of inclusion and fair representation in Sri Lanka’s political system. This is not the first time such a demand is put forward. Numerous other ethnic and religious groups have historically pushed for representation in the cabinet. This will facilitate the cabinet making sure their opinions from a Muslim point of view are acknowledged during the policy-making process. This could also promote social cohesion by acknowledging the contributions and concerns of the Muslim community within national discourse. It may also help mitigate feelings of marginalisation of the Muslim community that can lead to social unrest.

This request should also consider existing legal frameworks regarding representation and minority rights within Sri Lankan constitutional provisions that protect minority interests. Therefore, the success of their demand also depends on careful negotiation among stakeholders, not only with the government and an understanding of broader societal dynamics.

There are other counterarguments too against the appointment of a Muslim in the cabinet, even from among one section of the same Muslim community. It is argued that no Muslim minister from other political parties in the past has been able to accomplish anything noteworthy for the Muslim community or address any pressing issues effectively. For instance, during the past coalition headed by President Maithripala Sirisena and SLPP governments that constituted Muslim ministers, politically motivated Sihala mobs destroyed Muslim towns and businesses and attacked the mosques, prevented the burial of Muslims who had died from COVID, encroached on Muslim lands, attempted to ban Muslim women’s attire and halaal food, etc. Another example is that no Muslim minister could effectively argue against the Muslims’ exclusion as a separate entity, even at the height of peace negotiations between the government and the LTTE before it was banned as a terrorist organisation. Further, Muslim youngsters were not represented as per ethnic ratios and have faced discrimination in government appointments during the past several decades. There are extremely few heads of departments and government corporations, secretaries of the ministries, diplomatic postings, and other positions besides the ministerial position. These roles will be far more beneficial to the Muslim community than those of a cabinet minister.

It can also be argued that whether the Muslim community will be satisfied with the NPP government even if a single Muslim minister is appointed. Another argument may crop up that there ought to be at least two Muslim ministers in the cabinet if the number of cabinet members is proportionate to the Muslim population. I’m stating this for an argument’s sake, but the truth of the matter is different. The NPP is well aware of these facts and other reasons discussed below and may have decided to continue to maintain its silence on this matter and face the challenges from the Muslims in the next elections for local and provincial councils!

The NPP government might have its own reasons for why a Muslim was left out of the cabinet, although it has not explicitly stated anything officially so far. Therefore, the NPP must speak up if it has a valid reason and explain why a Muslim should not be appointed to a cabinet position and put a full stop to the matter for once and for all. Since MPs in the current parliament heavily represent Sinhalese voters, even if the NPP government appoints a Muslim to the cabinet, it will merely be a symbolic move, and the Muslim minister may not be able to accomplish anything meaningful for the Muslim community.

The NPP might also be content that the composition of their cabinet reflects the nation’s political climate and demographic makeup. They may also argue that they continue to base their choices on electoral performance in the last parliamentary election and the requirement to represent groups that share the beliefs and objectives of their party. The NPP is a very new political party; thus, they might have placed more importance on candidates who have shown a commitment to their platform, which might exclude Muslim representatives because of past voting trends.

As everyone is aware, the NPP has positioned itself as an advocate for secular governance and national unity. In order to promote harmony among Sri Lanka’s various ethnic and religious groups, they may contend that its cabinet should demonstrate a dedication to secularism.

Cabinet appointments are also influenced by the internal dynamics of the NPP. Therefore, the NPP might argue that members who have played a key role in the party’s establishment and expansion should be given preference over those from the larger community. It’s a known fact that most of the Muslim candidates who won the 2024 parliamentary election were very new to the party, and their affiliation to the party is merely less than five years. In the previous parliamentary election of 2020, there were not many Muslim candidates with NPP. Therefore, minority groups, particularly Muslims, may have been unintentionally unrepresented as a result of this emphasis on loyalty and a common goal.

Lastly, decisions about the membership of the cabinet are influenced by strategic political calculations. Therefore, the NPP might think that supporting particular political groups or demographics will improve its chances of winning the forthcoming local and provincial elections, even in the next presidential and parliamentary elections after five years. Sometimes, this practical approach takes precedence over inclusive representation, resulting in choices such as the exclusion of Muslim members.

There may be other challenges involved, such as potential pushback from other communities, particularly Buddhists, who may view this request as preferential treatment or fear that it could exacerbate existing divisions rather than foster unity.

In conclusion, even though the NPP government may offer a number of explanations for why Muslims are not included in its cabinet, the ramifications of these choices continue to provoke discussion about inclusivity and representation in Sri Lankan politics!