20 July, 2018

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The Military Perspective On Constitutional Reform & Human Rights

By Daniel Alphonsus

Daniel Alphonsus

Initial observations on the officer corps’ perception of the root causes of ethnic violence

“There are no grievances specific to Tamils” – Udaya Gammanpila, Western Provincial Council Minister, 2014[1]

“There are no minorities now” – Mahinda Rajapaksa, May 2009

Following the defeat of the LTTE in May 2009 popular understanding of the root causes of ethnic violence congealed around a single dominant narrative. This narrative consists of three premises and a conclusion.

Premise I: The root cause of the ethnic conflict was the greed and power lust of Tamil elites who led a misguided Tamil population.

Premise II: These elites were empowered by interventionist foreign states who were (i) primordially ‘anti-Sri Lanka’, (ii) manipulated by the ‘diaspora’ or (iii) concerned with geo-political intrigue.

Premise III: There were few, if any, unaddressed political or economic grievances specific to the Tamil community that led to violence.

Conclusion: There were no important political or economic causes for violence and therefore there is no need for reform to address grievances. Therefore, a solely military response is sufficient for preventing recurrence of violence[2]

The dominant narrative’s line of reasoning is often extended to argue that recurrence of violence can be prevented by centralizing power in the state, ensuring totalitarian control of the Tamil population, pursuing an isolationist foreign policy and homogenizing the diverse Sri Lankan polity by establishing the ascendency of Sinhalese Buddhist civilization. Preventing violence does not require a political response because there are no genuine political grievances.

Those who disagree with these claims are often labelled traitors who were ‘sacrificing our war heroes’. The upshot of this narrative is the unarticulated assumption that the ‘war heroes’ themselves unequivocally endorse the dominant narrative.

This essay argues that, at the very least, there is no consensus within the military on this issue. In fact, analysis of officers’ writings finds views within the officer corps that often directly contradict the dominant narrative, or at least seek to qualify it substantially.

In the absence of any significant research on security in Sri Lanka, there is little scholarly evidence that can be easily marshalled and deployed to test this thesis. Despite two Marxist insurgencies and a thirty-year civil war, bibliographies on Sri Lanka have no sections on defence and strategic studies.[3] The very few books that have been written from a security perspective are largely on the security implications of relations with external powers.[4] Where studies on the military aspects of domestic conflict exist[5], their number pales in comparison to Sri Lanka’s voluminous literature on the the conflict from the human rights, legal, historical, political science and anthropological perspectives. Meanwhile, the few biographies written by military officers with firsthand experience of the war have been largely narrative in nature rather than analytic.[6]

Despite this paucity of research, one useful resource that can be used to examine the perceptions of the officer corps are the publicly available theses of Sri Lankan military officers following the end of the war. At the time of writing eleven theses, written by officers from the three services, were publicly accessible.[7] Although there a few methodological limitations that this sample presents,[8] these limitations do not diminish the argument that the military’s strategic thought is often is at odds with the dominant narrative.

One reason for this is that methodological limitations may ‘cancel each other out’. For example, there may be a propensity of thesis writers to ‘write for the examiner’ – in this case US military college instructors. But there is also a propensity to ‘write for the political masters’, who in this case endorsed the dominant narrative in the immediate post-war period.

Causes of War: Ethnic discrimination, failure to share power and human rights abuses

Five of the eleven theses discuss the root causes of violence and conflict. Of these five theses, all of them demonstrate understanding of the roles discrimination, failure to devolve power, human rights abuses and economic opportunities played as drivers of conflict, radicalisation, and ultimately violence.

First, discrimination and unequal citizenship were identified as pivotal drivers of conflict. Wing Commander Chaminda Wickremaratne argues that in contrast to the stabilising effect of D.S. Senanayake’s multicultural, non-discriminatory policies, “the stability achieved in 1948 in the democratization process had eroded by 1956 when SWRD Bandaranaike became the Prime Minister and introduced a “Sinhala Only” Official Language Act. It was seen as an abandonment of the multi-racial policy and agitated the Tamil minority….this laid the seed for a demand for autonomy for the Northern and Eastern Provinces where a majority of the Tamils lived.”[9] This view is echoed in Commander A.I.P de Silva’s comment that the 1978 constitution “ensured that Tamils would continue to occupy a subservient position in their relations with all subsequent Sinhalese governments.”[10]

Second, failure to devolve power is also often cited as a cause for violent inter-ethnic conflict. For example, Lieutenant E.M. Chandradasa suggests: “if the Sri Lankan state was structured in a manner that addressed these grievances [relating to devolution of power] and accommodated differences of opinion in its policy-making mechanisms, a thirty-year civil war might have been avoided.”[11] Lt. Col. I. Herath meanwhile tacitly supports this view by writing in approving terms of “elder, mature” Tamil political leaders who eschewed separatism in favour of devolution.[12]

Third, violation of human rights is often cited as a catalyst for violence. De Silva notes that President Jayewardene’s policies of controlling Tamils further escalated the militant struggle in Sri Lanka…he introduced the Prevention of Terrorism Act in 1979. With that act security forces could arrest and detain Tamil youths up to eight months.” Chandradasa also disparages Sinhalese extremist attempts to prevent the securing of minority rights and the resolution of the conflict: “The government’s ability to implement…minority rights was met with large opposition by the extremist elements of the Sinhalese community.”

Some officers go so far as to argue that human rights violations or complicity in them constituted a tipping point for abandoning political agitation and embracing violence. For example, Lt. Nishantha Manage notes: “above all the Sri Lankan government agents had, over time, become more involved in the riots. This solidified the perception among more and more Tamils that the Sri Lankan state was not only disingenuous, but also overtly violent toward Tamils. The largest and most damaging riot came in 1983, which signalled not only the apex of anti-Tamil ethnic violence to date, but radicalized many Tamils against the Sri Lankan state.”

Finally, authors noted that the economic effects of discrimination played a catalytic role in mobilizing violence, especially in contrast to the newly opened opportunities for Sinhala-speakers. Wickremaratne notes that the “the lack of opportunities stemming from irregularities and lack of opportunities in bureaucratic, commercial, and educational spheres, mobilization of the Tamil youth slowly took place, transforming into a freedom struggle by the latter part of the 1970s.Chandradasa too identifies state structured economic inequalities as an important enabler of conflict, arguing that “the Sri Lankan state was inadequately structured to deal with social, economic, and political inequalities in an equitable manner, thus resulting in ethnic tension between the Sinhalese and the Sri Lankan Tamils”.

Corroborating Evidence

The views of the above officers demonstrate continuity in thinking over time among the Sri Lankan officer corps. There is no substantial contrast between the theses written following the defeat of the LTTE and the theses of Sri Lankan officers prior to the end of the war. The following extracts provide some insight into understanding of national security thinking during the war.

Major-General Kulatunga, writing in 2003, is forceful in concluding that “Sinhala Only policy of the government was the reason for the Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict.”[13] Writing in 1997, Major Ruwan Wanigasooriya pre-echoes the thesis highlighting the central role of ethnic riots in mobilizing for violence, “countrywide attacks on Tamils (in July 1983)…induced Tamil youth to join the militant groups, which vastly expanded.”[14] His view is supported in Major Kularatne’s thesis written in 2006 in which he says, “the inability or unwillingness to protect Tamils in 1983 encouraged new recruits to join the Tamil militants and violent attacks by guerilla groups accelerated.”[15]

Lt. Col. Raj Vijayasiri provides a more comprehensive analysis arguing that Sinhala Only legislation “alienated the Tamils” as many “Tamil government servants were discriminated against due to this policy”. He noted that “students were admitted to the universities according to ethnic ratios rather than merit. This barred many Tamil youths that got high marks from entering universities, and many of them were attracted to the militant groups.” Vijayasiri also noted that chauvinists in the Sinhala majority became a threat to national security. He observes that when “the subject of devolution of powers to Tamil areas was taken up, chauvinistic elements in the Sinhalese majority blocked it” and that “several communal clashes took place from 1956 to 1983, during which Tamil houses and businesses were burned and looted, and Tamil people killed.”[16] In addition to violence against the Tamil population, discussions on standardisation, the Sinhala Only Act and failure to devolve power feature extensively in the officers’ theses.

General Cyril Ranatunga, also supports this view arguing that “the heavy handedness of the government drove many Tamil youth into the hands of the terrorist groups. This resulted in the drying up of support for the security forces.”[17]

Senior DIG Merril Gunaratne, former Director of the National Intelligence Bureau, in Cop in the Crossfire, cites failure to devolve power in the 1990s, loss of economic opportunities for Tamil youth in the South as a result of the Sinhala Only Act and the 1983 riots as important drivers of the LTTE’s popularity within the Tamil population. In fact, he notes that the LTTE could not have transformed from rag-tag insurgent group to a conventional army without the popular support arising from these grievances. His view is that, “terrorism, in effect guerrilla groups operating in extremely small numbers with concealed weapons and using the element of surprise so as to avoid confrontation, could not possibly have progressed sans popular support.”[18]

Conclusion: A Political Problem Requires a Political Response

Based on the theses of military officers and corroborating evidence, it is clear that many serving officers within the Sri Lankan security forces have views that differ from the dominant narrative. In fact, their analysis of the causes of conflict bear significant resemblance to the grievance based analysis of most political scientists, historians and activists.

In conclusion, the dominant narrative is not as widely endorsed as is often believed. More importantly, there is substantial evidence to suggest that it is an inaccurate account of the past. This is crucial because our analysis of the past shapes our strategy for the future. If the causes of violence were indeed primarily political, as many in the military think they were, then preventing reoccurrence of violence and ensuring long-term national security requires a fundamentally political response. In other words, addressing political grievances – especially those relating to equal rights and devolution of power – appears to be a national security imperative.

*Daniel Alphonsus is studying public policy and security at Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. His last publication on this theme was an article on the state’s response to the root causes of the JVP insurgency titled “Preventing Post-LTTE Violence”.


[1] Interviewed in Amita Arudpragasam, The APRC: A Political Dance, Self-Published Documentary Film, 2015

[2] This view is best articulated in Chapters 3 – 17 of the officially sanctioned biography of former Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and presidential sibling, Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Vide C.A. Chandraprema, Gota’s War: The Crushing of Tamil Tiger Terrorism in Sri Lanka, Self-Published Monograph, 2012. For evidence of this narrative’s popularity see Dinidu Karunanayake and Thiagaraja Wardas, What Lessons Are We Talking About? Reconciliation and Memory in Post-Civil War Sri Lankan Cinema, International Centre for Ethnic Studies Research Paper No. 10, September 2013; Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri, History After the War: Historical Consciousness in the Collective Sinhala Buddhist Psyche in Post War Sri Lanka, International Centre for Ethnic Studies Research Paper No. 9, July 2013.

[3] H.A.I. Goonetilleke, A Bibliography of Ceylon Vol. – Vol. V, Interdocumentation Company. Also see Daya de Silva and Chandra R. de Silva, Sri Lanka Since Independence: A Reference Guide to the Literature, South Asia Books, 1993

[4] K.M. De Silva, Regional Powers and Small State Security: India and Sri Lanka, 1977-1990, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995; Mahinda Werake and P.V.J. Jayasekara, Security Dilemmas of a Small State Vol. I and Vol. II, South Asian Publishers, New Delhi, 1995

[5] Channa Wickremesekara, The Tamil Separatist War in Sri Lanka, Routledge India, 2016, K.M. De Dilva, Defeat of the LTTE, Penguin India, 2012; Asoka Bandarage, The Tamil Separatist Conflict in Sri Lanka, iUniverse 2009; Gamini Samaranayake, Political Violence in Sri Lanka, Gyan Publishing House, 2008; K.M. De Silva, Sri Lanka: Political and Military Relations, Clingendael, November 2011; Rohan Gunaratne, Sri Lanka’s Ethnic Crisis and National Security, South Asia Network on Conflict Research, 1998; Jagath Senaratne, Political Violence in Sri Lanka: 1977 – 1990, University of Amsterdam Press, 1998

[6] Merril Gunaratne, Cop in the Crossfire, Self-Published Monograph, 2011; Cyril Ranatunga, Adventurous Journey from Peace to War, Insurgency to Terrorism, Vijitha Yapa Publications 2009,   Gerry de Silva, A Most Noble Profession: Memories that Linger, International Book House, 2011; Kamal Gunaratne, Road to Nandikadal, 2016

[7] The five main repositories of these theses are at the Defence Command and Staff College in Sapugaskanda, the National Defence University in India, the National Defence University in Pakistan, the Joint Services Command and Staff College in the UK and the Defence Technical Information System in the United States. Only theses from the Defence Technical Information Centre are publicly available.

[8] 11 thesis are a small and by no means statistically significant sample. And even if they consistently make similar claims, in light of consistency bias (vide Kahneman and Tversky), it is important not to consider them as definitive. Also, these theses are written by mid-level army officers who have spent a considerable time in United States military academies and thus may not be representative of the officer corps as a whole.

[9] Wing Commander Chaminda Wickremaratne, Engaging Military In Post–War Reconciliation: A Case Study Of Implications For The Consolidation Of Democracy In Sri Lanka, Naval Postgraduate School – Monterrey, March 2013

[10] Commander A I P De Silva, International Intervention In Intra-State Conflicts: The Case In Sri Lanka, March 2013, Naval Postgraduate School – Monterey, March 2013

[11] Lt. E.M. Chandradasa, Adaptive Coin In Sri Lanka: What Contributed To The Demise Of The Ltte?, Naval Postgraduate School – Monterey, June 2012

[12] Lt. Col. I. Herath, Role Of Military In Post-Conflict Sri Lanka, Naval Postgraduate School – Monterey, March 2012

[13] Major General P.S.B. Kulatunga, Insurgency in a Small Country, Ethnic Revolt in Sri Lanka, US Army War College Strategy Research Project, April 2003

[14] Major Ruwan Wanigasooriya, The Ethnic Conflict in Sri Lanka: A Clash of Civilizations, U.S. Army Command and General Staff College – Fort Levenworth, 1997

[15] Major M.A.A.J. Kularatne, How do Separatist Insurgents Use Negotiations for Their Growth and Survival, U.S. Army Command and General Staff College – Fort Levenworth, 2006

[16] All quotes are from Raj Vijayasiri, A Critical Analysis of the Sri Lankan Government’s Counter-Insurgency Campaign, US Army Command and General Staff College, 1999

[17]Cyril Ranatunga, Adventurous Journey from Peace to War, Insurgency to Terrorism, Vijitha Yapa Publications 2009 p 62

[18] Cyril Ranatunga, Adventurous Journey from Peace to War, Insurgency to Terrorism, Vijitha Yapa Publications 2009 pg 16

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Latest comments

  • 1
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    This comment was removed by a moderator because it didn’t abide by our Comment policy.For more detail see our Comment policy https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/comments-policy-2/

    • 2
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      You bloody RETARD, didn’t I tell you to bugger off these columns? Sohadaraya, thota Angoda maanasikka roahaluth hondha wadiye!!! (Even the Angoda Mental Hospital is too good for you).

  • 3
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    Daniel Alphonsus: Military can not have political opinions as military. When it is for an american university. It should be a survey by CIA for finding whether there are any military officers who are willing to support them if there is war supporting the Tamils establish a separate country. Because, they failed in LTTE, now they are looking for other avenues. I think because you will be getting degree, I suppose, you became a willing partner to this security issue.

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    FYI: It is public knowledge that some Tamil military officers helped LTTE during the initial stages of the war. That is why Tamils should not be allowed in higher positions.

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      Jimsofty,

      I have been reading your comments for some time.

      You, who cannot tolerate the presence, in places where you live, of people who don’t speak your language or follow your faith, should seriously consider leaving the planet earth (for you will find no other place on this planet where only people who speak your language and follow your faith live) and find habitation in some other universe if at all it exists.

      Have you read what Hannah Arendt said about Adolf Eichmann. If not, here it is:

      “And just as you supported and carried out a policy of not wanting to share the earth with the Jewish people and the people of a number of other nations – as though you and your superiors had any right to determine who should and who should not inhabit the world – we find that no one, that is, no member of the human race, can be expected to want to share the earth with you. This is the reason, and the only reason, you must hang.”

      Write these lines on a board and hang it somewhere in your house and read these lines every morning as soon as you wake up, as a way of learning how not to be a racist.

      Good bye!

      • 1
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        Mithra: YOu have written some crap and not a response to what I wrote. Tell me what I have written wrong.

        • 6
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          A long answer to your question is given above. Since you don’t seem to understand the long answer, I will give you a short answer: you are racist scum.

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    Daniel Alphonsus: YOu talk about discrimination and many other things. Tamils are kallathomnis (illegally landed, we call they swam here, or brought by Dutch and British colonials). There were Tamil tri-forces officers, Chief justices and central bank governers (two of them are known to be thieves) and many other positions. sometimes universities dominated with Tamil students. On the other hand, see how blacks are discrminated in the country you live. go to their dominent states. Recently, I heard, Drugs are promoted among blacks, by CIA, in order to destroy them. ————– If you can Tell us how blacks have been treated the sme way Tamils have been treated in Sri lanka. Your thesis is crap. You don’t know the true content of your thesis. I don’t think you gain any brains out of this. I think, your thesis is what your supervisor, who does not know anything about Sri lanka wants to write. IF you know about human rights, compare statistics for blacks with those of Tamils in Sri lanka. IT is the sinhala people who are the reverse-discrminated and should fight for what is theirs’.

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      This comment was removed by a moderator because it didn’t abide by our Comment policy.For more detail see our Comment policy https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/comments-policy-2/

      • 3
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        Hey Retarded bugger from the army, thanks for keeping your quite brief

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        @Rtd. Lt. Reginald Shamal Perera /
        Aney paw Sahodaraya! You are a bloody RETARD arn’t you? Would you like to try posting another bigoted and racist comment? Try again! You retard will never learn. At least save your key strokes and do something good for our masses and the country if you have nothing good to say.

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    Thank you Daniel Alphonsus for the excellent presentation. Read it once – must read it again.

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    Reality: LTTE which once bragged the “Singalam army” cannot beat us was wiped out. Erased; butts wiped. Now it is a new reality. Learn to live with it. We will not tolerate militants again. We will do what US does. We will use Predators and we will rendition them to black ops sites offshore and in Poland and Romania. USA is our best ally now in the war against terror and china.

    Militarism is creeping up in USA; adoration of the military is now standard in the USA. The Economist wrote about it recently. “My arm will do no wrong” is the US belief now. In the USA it is now unpatriotic to question military crimes like the rape and murder in Haditha or even going back to MyLai; US is a predominantly White Christian nation and it can kill civilians with impunity in their “Wars against terror”. US bombs flown aboard US aircraft are killing thousands of civilians in Yemen and dropped by US ally and oil buddy Saudi Arabia. US Army kills civilians with drones. Initial invasion of Iraq killed nearly 40,000 civilians but they are Arabs, Sand niggers, Haji, Towel head civilians. So it is “collateral damage”

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    Youths resorting to violence both in the north as well as in the south is more of an economic issue rather than political. Of course, politicians are responsible for economic disasters. Although ‘Boys’ came in to the scene before 1970, during 70-77 period they did not get much support because the economy in the north was thriving as a result of the close-door policy of Mrs.B’s government. Tamils in the north were better off by growing onions and chilies. When JRJ’s government opened the economy after adopting the Structural Adjustment package of IMF, market got flooded with imported onions and chilies leading to the collapse of the economy in the north. I believe that to be the main cause for youths dragged into the violent campaign.

    Some believe that 1983 anti-Tamil violent campaign was instigated by foreign agents who wanted to destabilize JRJ’s pro-western government. That incident certainly contributed to push youths to violence and destabilize the country.

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    A most rational and sensible analysis.
    Answers though are not that easy, as we have to deal with many irrational and not very sensible.

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    After reading this fine analytical essay, I REVISITED THE BOOK BY MAJOR-GENERAL SARATH MUNASINGHE written in the year 2000, nine years prior to the defeat of the LTTE. The Title of the Book is A Soldiers Version.

    Sarath Munasinghe has said it in a nut-shell!
    ……It should be understood that the terrorist problem is the consequence of the ethnic problem between the Sinhala and Tamil people of our country…..Page 236.

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