{"id":114617,"date":"2013-11-12T03:56:24","date_gmt":"2013-11-11T22:26:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=114617"},"modified":"2013-11-12T03:59:18","modified_gmt":"2013-11-11T22:29:18","slug":"wikileaks-sri-lanka-desire-to-take-care-of-its-problems-on-its-own-unhcr-to-us","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/wikileaks-sri-lanka-desire-to-take-care-of-its-problems-on-its-own-unhcr-to-us\/","title":{"rendered":"WikiLeaks: Sri Lanka Desire To Take Care Of Its Problems On Its Own – UNHCR To US"},"content":{"rendered":"

“Moreau reviewed the fairly positive experience two years ago when 200,000 people were displaced and then returned to the east. She said that the GSL had done a pretty good job in cleaning up the areas of conflict (including de-mining), putting local administration in place and getting some infrastructure and other recovery projects off the ground. This gave the GSL a good model to use, though Moreau expected that the challenges in the north would be even greater, and thus far the GSL’s approach had been less accommodating. There were also reports that mining was much more extensive and the administrative and infrastructure needs (including schools and hospitals) were much greater in the north.”\u00a0the US Mission to UN informed Washington.<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"If<\/a><\/p>\n

The\u00a0Colombo Telegraph<\/a><\/span>\u00a0found the related leaked cable from the\u00a0WikiLeaks<\/a><\/span>\u00a0database. The \u201cConfidential\u201d cable discuses\u00a0what had happened on the ground during and since the conflict.\u00a0The cable was signed by the US Ambassador to Geneva\u00a0Clint Williamson<\/a><\/span>\u00a0on July 15, 2009.<\/p>\n

After a meeting with\u00a0Pascale Moreau, UNHCR,s Acting Director for Asia, the ambassador wrote; “Finally, she noted that it is not yet clear whether the international humanitarian agencies will be asked to play any role in the return of IDPs. She stressed that the GSL wanted to maintain complete control of the process, both for security reasons, but also out of a sense of pride and desire to take care of its problems on its own.”<\/p>\n

Other related stories to this cable;<\/p>\n

WikiLeaks: It\u2019s Not Genocide, Army Could Have Won The Battle With Higher Civilian And Less Army Casualties \u2013 ICRC To US Mission To UN<\/a><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

WikiLeaks: LTTE Stored Weapons At Hospitals \u2013 ICRC To US Mission To UN<\/a><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

WikiLeaks: Govt. Restricted Blood Bags, ICRC Stopped Counting Dead Children Because No Blood Available \u2013 ICRC To US Mission To UN<\/a><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

WikiLeaks: Wrap Up ICRC Operations \u2013 Gota Sent A Straightforward Message \u2013 ICRC To US Mission To UN<\/a><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

WikiLeaks: US Had Limited Access To War Zone, Preparing War Crimes Report Is Extremely Difficult \u2013 US Ambassador<\/a>\u00a0<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

WikiLeaks: Key Concerns In Screening Centers, Family Separation And Sexual Violence \u2013 UNHCR To US<\/a><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

WikiLeaks: Navi Pillay Faced Serious Opposition Within The UN To Her Call For International Investigation On Sri Lanka \u2013 Pillay\u2019s Deputy To US<\/a><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Read the cable below for further details;<\/p>\n

C O N F I D E N T I A L GENEVA 000584 \r\n\r\nSIPDIS \r\n\r\nE.O. 12958: DECL: 07\/15\/2029 \r\nTAGS: CE MOPS PGOV PHUM PREF PREL\r\nSUBJECT: SRI LANKA: S\/WCI AMB. WILLIAMSON'S GENEVA MEETINGS \r\n\r\nClassified By: Peter F. Mulrean, RMA Counselor, Reasons 1.4 b and d. \r\n\r\n------- \r\nSummary \r\n------- \r\n\r\n\u00b61. (C) S\/WCI Amb. Williamson met with representatives of \r\nICRC, OHCHR and UNHCR July 9 to discuss the recent conflict \r\nin Sri Lanka in relation to a Congressional reporting \r\nrequirement in recent supplemental funding legislation.   His \r\ninterlocutors presented a complex picture of what had \r\nhappened on the ground during and since the conflict.  ICRC \r\nstated that, while clear violations of International \r\nHumanitarian Law (IHL) had occurred, Sri Lankan forces had \r\nalso made efforts to limit civilian casualties.  Likewise, \r\nLTTE,s mixing with civilians was to be condemned, but it \r\nremained difficult to define exactly when such mixing \r\nconstitutes the use of human shields.  ICRC was damning of \r\nthe GSL,s restrictions on humanitarian relief, which cost \r\ncountless lives for no apparent reason.  The GSL has asked \r\nICRC to wrap up its operations in Sri Lankan.  ICRC is \r\naccommodating by shutting some sub-offices, but hopes to stay \r\non the ground, as it believes its conflict-related work is \r\nfar from done.  OHCHR sees the Congressional call for \r\nreporting as positive high-level attention to credible \r\naccusations of breaches of humanitarian and human rights law. \r\n It is calling for an international investigation of these \r\naccusations, but is facing resistance from other UN agencies \r\nthat need the cooperation of the GSL to carry out activities \r\non the ground.  UNHCR is focused on the current situation in \r\nthe IDP camps, as well as the need to prepare for returns of \r\nIDPs.  Conditions in the camps are improving, but remain \r\nunacceptable.  UNHCR is concerned that the GSL could force \r\nIDPs to return home or to other locations.  Its experience \r\ntwo years ago with the GSL on the displacement and return of \r\n200,000 people in the east was relatively positive, though \r\nUNHCR believes the challenges of returning an even larger \r\ngroup to the north will be much greater.  End summary. \r\n\r\n------------------------------------- \r\nOverview of Congressional Requirement \r\n------------------------------------- \r\n\r\n\u00b62. (SBU) S\/WCI Amb. Clint Williamson met July 9 in separate \r\nmeetings with Jacque de Maio, ICRC Head of Operations for \r\nSouth Asia, Kwang-wha Kang, UN Deputy High Commissioner for \r\nHuman Rights and Pascale Moreau, UNHCR Acting Director for \r\nAsia.  He was accompanied by S\/WCI Shaun Coughlin, RMA \r\nCounselor and PSA Counselor.  In all the meetings, Amb. \r\nWilliamson outlined the Congressional language attached to \r\nthe recent supplemental funding legislation requiring the \r\nSecretary to report back within 45 days on reports of war \r\ncrimes during the recent fighting in Sri Lanka, including to \r\nthe extent possible, identification of perpetrators of such \r\ncrimes.  Williamson noted that the USG had limited access to \r\nthe conflict zone and therefore it will be extremely \r\ndifficult to present conclusive evidence about exactly what \r\nhappened during the conflict, let alone who was responsible. \r\nTherefore, the Department would have to rely in large part on \r\nreports from open sources, NGOs, and International \r\nOrganizations that were on the ground or otherwise active on \r\nSri Lanka during the fighting.  Looking at the two sides in \r\nthe conflict (Sri Lankan military and the LTTE), Williamson \r\nsaid that the most obvious areas of focus would be the \r\nLTTE,s reported use of human shields and child labor, as \r\nwell as alleged executions of civilians attempting to flee \r\nthe conflict zone.  For the GSL, the focus would be on the \r\npotential disproportionate use of force and reports of \r\ndisappearances of individuals during the screening of the \r\npopulation in the north. \r\n\r\n------------------------------------ \r\nICRC - Violations of IHL, but in a Complex Environment \r\n------------------------------------ \r\n\r\n\u00b63. (C) Jacques de Maio, ICRC,s Head of Operations for South \r\nAsia, began by stating that, because of ICRC,s strict \r\nconfidentiality rules, he would be unable to share any \r\nspecific information regarding allegations of crimes by \r\neither side, nor would he be able to direct Williamson to \r\nsources.  That said, de Maio engaged in a lengthy discussion \r\nof the conflict and offered a nuanced view of the complex \r\nsituation on the ground.  For example, he said that the Sri \r\nLankan military was somewhat responsive to accusations of \r\nviolations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and was \r\nopen to adapting its actions to reduce casualties, but only \r\nto the extent that this would not undermine its overriding \r\nmilitary objective - to destroy the LTTE.  The army was \r\ndetermined not to let the LTTE escape from its shrinking \r\nterritory, even though this meant the civilians being kept \r\nhostage by the LTTE were at increasing risk.  So, de Maio \r\nsaid, while one could safely say that there were \"serious, \r\nwidespread violations of IHL,\" by the Sri Lankan forces, it \r\ndid not amount  to genocide.  He could site  examples of \r\nwhere the army had stopped shelling when ICRC informed them \r\nit was killing civilians.  In fact, the army actually could \r\nhave won the military battle faster with higher civilian \r\ncasualties, yet chosen a slower approach which led to a \r\ngreater number of Sri Lankan military deaths.  He concluded \r\nhowever, by asserting that the GSL failed to recognize its \r\nobligation to protect civilians despite the approach leading \r\nto higher military casualties.  From his standpoint, a \r\nsoldier at war should be more likely to die than a civilian. \r\n\r\n\u00b64. (C) De Maio was more critical of the GSL,s restrictions \r\non humanitarian access and relief during the conflict.  There \r\nwas no good reason not to let certain types of materials, \r\nsuch as blood bags, be delivered to Vanni during the \r\nconflict, where ICRC was treating victims.  He had stopped \r\ncounting the number of children who died because no blood was \r\navailable, for example.  Regarding disappearances, he said \r\nthat there has been a long tradition of arrests and \r\ndisappearances in Sri Lanka by people in civilian clothing. \r\nWhile ICRC has knowledge about a certain number of cases, \r\nmost appear to be people abducted\/arrested by either Tamil \r\nauxiliary forces or local authorities, not under order from \r\ncentral authorities, but connected to local political \r\ncircumstances.  On the other hand, there appears to have been \r\nno pattern of systematic disappearances during the GSL,s \r\nscreening of the population that fled the fighting.  De Maio \r\nexplained that ICRC has a fairly good network of people to \r\nwhom family members report arrests\/disappearances.  In the \r\ncases of those who seem to disappear during screening, most \r\nof them turn up within days, and were three to five times \r\nmore likely to be found if they received a report within \r\ntwenty-four hours of disappearance.  He believed that many \r\nincidents were driven by the GSL view that all civilians \r\ncoming out of the Vanni were presumed guilty by the \r\ngovernment.  ICRC has been visiting regularly 11,400 people \r\narrested and interned in 10 camps as suspected LTTE fighters. \r\n\r\n\u00b65. (C) On the LTTE, de Maio said that it had tried to keep \r\ncivilians in the middle of a permanent state of violence.  It \r\nsaw the civilian population as a \"protective asset\" and kept \r\nits fighters embedded amongst them.  De Maio said that the \r\nLTTE commanders, objective was to keep the distinction \r\nbetween civilian and military assets blurred.  They would \r\noften respond positively when ICRC complained to the LTTE \r\nabout stationing weapons at a hospital, for example.  The \r\nLTTE would move the assets away, but as they were constantly \r\nshifting these assets, they might just show up in another \r\nunacceptable place shortly thereafter.  De Maio said it would \r\nbe hard to state that there was a systematic order to LTTE \r\nfighters to stick with civilians in order to draw fire. \r\nCivilians were indeed under \"physical coercion not to go here \r\nor there,\" he said.  Thus, the dynamics of the conflict were \r\nthat civilians were present all the time.  This makes it very \r\ndifficult to determine though at what point such a situation \r\nbecomes a case of \"human shields.\" \r\n\r\n\u00b66. (C) Finally, de Maio said that ICRC had received a pretty \r\nstraightforward message from DefMin Gotabaya Rajapaksa that \r\nit was time for ICRC to wrap up its operations in Sri Lanka. \r\nICRC is a conflict organization according to Rajapaksa, and \r\nnow that the conflict is over Sri Lanka sees ICRC as \"a stain \r\non the white page of the post-conflict period.\"  De Maio said \r\nothers in the GSL have suggested that if ICRC leaves and then \r\ncomes back as part of a post-conflict approach under a new \r\nmemorandum of understanding, this might be acceptable.  De \r\nMaio stated that ICRC is trying to sound accommodating and \r\nwill pull out of its three eastern sub-offices, where its \r\nwork was mostly done.  ICRC does not want to close up shop \r\ncompletely, however, so it is telling the GSL it will scale \r\nback in the hope it will be allowed to stay, as it sees many \r\nelements of its core conflict mandate still at play, \r\nincluding war wounded, IDPs, family tracing and detainees. \r\nDe Maio asked the USG to consider weighing in on ICRC,s \r\nbehalf, letting the GSL know that how this plays out will be \r\na factor in the US approach to a post-conflict Sri Lanka. \r\nAmb. Williamson promised to raise this with A\/S Blake upon \r\nhis return to Washington. \r\n\r\n-------------------------------------- \r\nOHCRC - Strong Support, but no Details \r\n-------------------------------------- \r\n\r\n\u00b67. (C) Kyung-wha Kang, UN Deputy High Commissioner for Human \r\nRights strongly supported the Congressional request for \r\nreporting on Sri Lanka, seeing it as a sign of high-level \r\nattention to these issues.  She noted that High Commissioner \r\nPillay has publicly called for an international investigation \r\nof what seem like credible accusations of violations of \r\nhumanitarian and human rights law.  Within the UN system, \r\nKang said that Pillay has faced serious opposition to this \r\napproach.  Other UN agencies see the need to get things done \r\non the ground (e.g. humanitarian and recovery assistance) as \r\nthe priority and fear that Pillay,s approach will make the \r\nGSL reticent to cooperate.  Kang lamented that the GSL has \r\n\"an absolute deaf ear,\" on questions of human rights, \r\nparticularly when it comes to any international dimension. \r\n\r\n\u00b68. (C) Kang said that the Office of the High Commissioner for \r\nHuman Rights (OHCHR) would be unlikely to be able to help in \r\nsharing any information with Amb. Williamson.  There is one \r\nOHCHR rep in Colombo who is in a very difficult situation and \r\nis restricted in her maneuvering room.  Kang said that OHCHR \r\nis overwhelmed with information sent in from various interest \r\ngroups, but their veracity was very hard to judge.  She \r\nthought that over time, ground-level testimony would emerge \r\nand would be the key to determining what had really happened. \r\n Williamson asked that OHCRC share whatever information it \r\ncould and Kang promised to look into what might be possible. \r\n\r\n----------------------------------- \r\nUNHCR - Focus on Relief and Returns \r\n----------------------------------- \r\n\r\n\u00b69. (C) Pascale Moreau, UNHCR,s Acting Director for Asia, \r\nstressed that UNHCR had no one on the ground in the areas of \r\nconflict and has not been allowed full access to interview \r\nIDPs, so it has no primary source information on what \r\nhappened during the conflict.  Her discussion with Amb. \r\nWilliamson focused more on the current status of IDP camps \r\nand the expectations for the return home or relocation of the \r\ncivilians there.  On screening, Moreau said that UNHCR had \r\nrecently gotten access to the Omanthai crossing point, where \r\nit was allowed to oversee the general process, but did not \r\nhave direct access to the individuals.  Moreau stated that it \r\nwas not easy to draw any conclusions, positive or negative, \r\nabout Omanthai in terms of disappearances, but she stressed \r\nthat this was somewhat academic in any case.  Most of the \r\nIDPs have already been screened at Kilinochi, where there is \r\nno international oversight, before moving on to Omanthai. \r\nTwo key humanitarian concerns for both the screening centers \r\nand the IDP camps was the extensive problem of family \r\nseparation, including large numbers of children, and reports \r\nof sexual and gender-based violence.  She suggested that Amb. \r\nWilliamson speak with UNICEF, which has been looking into the \r\nplight of these children.  On violence against women, Moreau \r\nindicated that in part this stemmed from the high incidence \r\nof separated females or female-headed households among IDPs. \r\n When asked why the GSL was not pursuing family reunification \r\nmore vigorously, Moreau stated that it is not the GSL,s \r\nhighest priority just after the conflict and that such an \r\neffort is logistically very difficult.  Two other key areas \r\nof concern are pushing the GSL to decongest camps and making \r\nan internal UNHCR decision on how best to balance providing \r\nfor the living needs of IDPs in terms of housing and \r\nsanitation while simultaneously not enabling the GSL to \r\ncreate permanent camps. \r\n\r\n\u00b610. (C) Moreau reported that the GSL was removing suspected \r\nLTTE fighters from the IDP camps and interning them in 10 \r\ndifferent locations.  She noted that removing suspected \r\nfighters from camps is common and even welcome, as long as \r\nthe authorities follow national law in providing those \r\narrested with adequate protections, which in the case of Sri \r\nLanka law is fairly robust.  Unfortunately, Moreau said that \r\nthe law was not being respected.  9,400 individuals had been \r\ntaken from IDP camps to 10 internment centers in Vanuviya, \r\nincluding at least one exclusively for children suspected of \r\nbeing child soldiers.  (Comment: These are the same 10 camps \r\nmentioned by ICRC.  The discrepancy in the number of IDPs \r\ncomes from the approximately 2,000 detainees who were not \r\ntaken from IDP camps.  End comment.) \r\n\r\n\u00b611. (C) As to the overall situation in the camps, Moreau said \r\nthat conditions were improving, though still unacceptable. \r\nIn Manik Farms, the military had been removed to the \r\nperimeter and some were replaced by local police, which was a \r\npositive step that still needed to be improved upon.  6,400 \r\nIDPs have been released from camps and another 9,000 have \r\nbeen cleared, but shelter and assistance needs to be found \r\nfor them, as they cannot yet go home.  Her biggest concerns \r\non the horizon were information for the IDPs and the \r\npossibility of forced returns.  On information, she said the \r\nIDPs, greatest anguish comes from not knowing the fate of \r\nfamily and loved ones and not knowing what lies in their \r\nfuture.  The GSL needs to make a greater effort to treat the \r\nIDPs like participants in the process.  On forced returns, \r\nshe said that there have been some cases that UNHCR has \r\nprotested to the GSL, but for now there has been no \r\nsystematic policy of forcing people to move.  Moreau \r\nconcluded that, in the past, the Ministry of Human Rights \r\nDisplacement had been a positive player in resisting forced \r\nreturns. \r\n\r\n\u00b612. (C) Moreau reviewed the fairly positive experience two \r\nyears ago when 200,000 people were displaced and then \r\nreturned to the east.  She said that the GSL had done a \r\npretty good job in cleaning up the areas of conflict \r\n(including de-mining), putting local administration in place \r\nand getting some infrastructure and other recovery projects \r\noff the ground.  This gave the GSL a good model to use, \r\nthough Moreau expected that the challenges in the north would \r\nbe even greater, and thus far the GSL,s approach had been \r\nless accommodating.  There were also reports that mining was \r\nmuch more extensive and the administrative and infrastructure \r\nneeds (including schools and hospitals) were much greater in \r\nthe north.  Finally, she noted that it is not yet clear \r\nwhether the international humanitarian agencies will be asked \r\nto play any role in the return of IDPs.  She stressed that \r\nthe GSL wanted to maintain complete control of the process, \r\nboth for security reasons, but also out of a sense of pride \r\nand desire to take care of its problems on its own. \r\n\u00b613. (U) Ambassador Williamson has cleared this cable. \r\nGRIFFITHS<\/pre>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":22,"featured_media":2487,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,1,2375,27],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-114617","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-colombotelegraph","category-news","category-stories","category-wikileaks"],"yoast_head":"\nWikiLeaks: Sri Lanka Desire To Take Care Of Its Problems On Its Own - UNHCR To US - Colombo Telegraph<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/wikileaks-sri-lanka-desire-to-take-care-of-its-problems-on-its-own-unhcr-to-us\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"WikiLeaks: Sri Lanka Desire To Take Care Of Its Problems On Its Own - 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