{"id":123212,"date":"2014-04-14T18:34:23","date_gmt":"2014-04-14T13:04:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=123212"},"modified":"2014-05-10T22:31:32","modified_gmt":"2014-05-10T17:01:32","slug":"a-kindly-response-to-dayan-jayatilleka-on-the-national-question","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/a-kindly-response-to-dayan-jayatilleka-on-the-national-question\/","title":{"rendered":"A Kindly Response To Dayan Jayatilleka On The National Question"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Laksiri Fernando<\/span><\/a> –<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"Dr.<\/a>

Dr. Laksiri Fernando<\/p><\/div>\n

I had a difficulty in understanding why Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka lumped Kumar David and me together and called \u2018Trotskyists\u2019 in his tortuous reply (\u201cMinority Report: Sri Lanka\u2019s Tamil Question<\/span><\/a>,\u201d Colombo Telegraph<\/i>, 13 April 2014) because we were never in one political party although the respective organizations we belonged were called \u2018Trotskyists.\u2019 On my part it was before 1982 as Dayan fully well know. It is not a good academic practice to label people to create prejudices.<\/p>\n

I also couldn\u2019t understand what was this \u2018Minority Report\u2019 in Dayan\u2019s title of the article, while he is quite free to call it the \u2018Tamil Question\u2019 instead of the \u2018national question.\u2019 But it can give the wrong impression.<\/p>\n

Dayan has quoted Gramsci to show his antipathy against secession quite legitimately, but it also reveals his \u2018hegemonic nationalism.\u2019 It is also no wonder that Dayan has expressed his preference to Gramsci over Lenin who had a particular leaning towards hegemonic nationalism in Italy and Europe. I am quite sure that Dayan quoted both Gramsci and Hobsbawm from the same second source of Ephraim Nimni (Marxism and Nationalism<\/i>, p. 96 and 110). The following however was what Nimni said about Gramsci (p. 112) on \u2018national and linguistic minorities.\u2019<\/p>\n

\u201cDespite his first-hand experience of the perils of national oppression in his native Sardinia, an oppression adequately documented in the writings on the Southern question, Gramsci then praises the Jacobins for their energy and action in consolidating the French nation and state, choosing to ignore that this consolidation also took the form of ruthless suppression of national and linguistic minorities<\/b><\/i>.<\/b>\u201d (My emphasis)<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

There are of course so many good points of Gramsci but those are not on the national question and beside the point here.<\/p>\n

Dayan has continued to analyze the national question in Sri Lanka in a binary manner, calling the communities at times \u2018tribes\u2019 (both Sinhalese and Tamils). The main thrust of his arguments have been to deny the equality between communities<\/b> with an obsession on numbers even without knowing the correct population figures in the country. This is called political realism or \u2018science.\u2019<\/p>\n

Two of his important or rather farcical statements in replying to me are the following.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe communities that inhabit the island are not equal in size. One of them amount to almost three fourths of the population. The other by definition, doesn\u2019t come anywhere close. That is a reality. The one that is much smaller has a huge community of co-ethnics across a narrow strip of water. That is also a reality.\u201d<\/i><\/p>\n

\u201cWhile all citizens of Sri Lanka must be equal (which they are not, while the constitution embeds hierarchy) and all citizens and communities must be free from discrimination as individuals and collectives, it is neither desirable nor possible to render majorities and minorities equal, in conceptual or legal terms.\u201d <\/i><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Dayan says that \u201cthe communities that inhabit the island are not equal in size\u201d as if he is from the outer space. Does anyone need a special theory to understand the numerical \u2018inequality\u2019 between Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims? It is this \u2018inequality\u2019 which is glorified as reality that he has utilized to deny equality in dignity and rights. That is his \u2018scientific\u2019 diagnosis. Then comes his \u2018scientific\u2019 prescription which is pathetically contradictory.<\/p>\n

He says \u201call citizens of Sri Lanka must be equal\u201d and admits that it is not the case. Here he has accepted the principle of \u2018equality\u2019 at the level of citizens which he has denied in inter-ethnic relations calling \u2018vulgar and petty bourgeoisie\u2019 quoting Engels (out of context) because the numbers are not equal! I wonder whether he holds the same view in respect of the country\u2019s religions.<\/p>\n

By doing so he takes us back in the memory lane to 1956 and 1972. The logic behind the Sinhala Only act<\/span><\/a> in 1956 or the denial of Parity (equality) was that the numbers were not equal between the Sinhala speakers and the Tamil speakers. The country has now changed the position at least in principle. It was the same logic that enshrined the foremost place to Buddhism in the 1972 constitution.<\/p>\n

He says \u201call citizens and communities must be free from discrimination as individuals and collective.\u201d Here he has accepted the \u2018collective\u2019 in respect of \u2018free from discrimination.\u2019 But he has not accepted the \u2018collective\u2019 in terms of \u2018rights.\u2019 But the fact of the matter is without equal recognition of rights, non-discrimination does not work, particularly at the level of the collective.<\/p>\n

The so-called \u2018acceptance\u2019 of individual rights of minority national communities has been common from KMP Rajarathna or LH Mettananda to the present JHU to deny in fact \u2018equal rights\u2019 and \u2018equal dignity\u2019 to the non-Sinhala communities as communities. However, without the acceptance of equality at the collective level, equality at the individual level cannot be realized. What needs to be accepted (obviously) is not the equality in numbers but the equality in \u2018rights and dignity.\u2019 In this respect, not only individuals but also groups are \u2018rights holders.\u2019<\/p>\n

Dayan may not deny that non-Sinhala or non-Buddhist communities or their members unfortunately are denied of rights directly and structurally, at least in some measure in Sri Lanka, to put it mildly. What he denies is the underlying reasoning behind this discrimination; overwhelming \u2018majoritarian\u2019 thinking and practice in the country. He himself is party to this thinking when he says \u201cit is neither desirable nor possible to render majorities and minorities equal, in the conceptual or legal terms.\u201d<\/p>\n

It is not correct to say that rendering \u2018majorities and minorities\u2019 equal is not possible, in conceptual or legal terms. It is not exactly a question of rendering; it is a question of recognizing, as I have indicated in the very title of the article in question. One example is the Preamble of the UN Charter which reaffirms (in paragraph two) the \u201cfaith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights<\/b> of men and women and of<\/b> nations large and small<\/b>.\u201d Of course the \u2018large and small nations\u2019 here means the people of the member countries. But if the equal recognition is possible among countries irrespective of numbers, it should be possible within countries as well, again irrespective of numbers.<\/p>\n

Let me quote again what I have proposed as quoted by Dayan himself.<\/p>\n

\u201cAlthough I cannot read the mind of the Chief Minister, as far as I can understand, he raises a valid question of equality between the ethnic communities\u2026One way of resolving the national question and ending the confrontation is to recognize the Sinhalese, the Tamils and the Muslims as equal \u2018cultural nations\u2019 constituting the democratic \u2018political nation\u2019 of Sri Lanka. There is no question that the formulations in the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord are useful principles in bridging the understanding between the communities if they are properly acted upon. However, they are not enough\u2026Equality here does not mean quantitative equality but qualitative equality.\u201d<\/i><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

This is first to dismiss his accusation that I have not dealt with devolution. Anyone who is familiar with my writings would know how I have labored to convince all communities that commitment to devolution is of paramount importance for ethnic reconciliation. It is in the same spirit that I made the proposal or rather appeal \u201cto recognize the Sinhalese, the Tamils and the Muslims as equal \u2018cultural nations\u2019 constituting the democratic \u2018political nation\u2019 of Sri Lanka<\/b>.\u201d By accepting Tamils and Muslims as equal \u2018cultural nations\u2019 Sinhalese are not going to lose anything. I proposed it as \u201cone way of resolving the national question and ending the confrontation.\u201d I never said this is the only way.<\/p>\n

I never discussed or even mentioned \u2018self-determination\u2019 although he has lumped me into that category. My purpose was different. I was merely proposing one<\/b> political formula for a possible social contract between the three main communities in possible political negotiations in the future, emphasizing the need to forge a healthy democratic political nation. The proposal is not counter to Devolution, the formulations in the Indo-Lanka Accord or the UN Declaration on Minority Rights (1992). He should know however that what we have at the UN is still a Declaration and not a Convention. It is difficult to consider it is conclusive irrespective of its overwhelming merits.<\/p>\n

Dayan has shown a particular penchant for the \u2018minority\u2019 label emphasizing and reemphasizing the proportions as if to cut particularly the Tamils into size. Any reasonable Sinhalese let alone a political scientist would not do that. It is true that the Tamils and the Muslims are relatively small communities in numbers within the country. But they are not so outside the country<\/b>. Therefore, if we were not to exacerbate the situation, we should behave more responsibly without jumping to pick on whatever any Tamil leader says in the public domain.<\/p>\n

The saddest or the hilarious was the following:<\/p>\n

\u201cBy insisting on the equal status of that which cannot be equalised, Profs Kumar David and Laksiri Fernando transpose to the realm of inter-ethnic relations, the error denounced by Engels as \u201cvulgar, petty bourgeois egalitarianism<\/b>.<\/i>\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

From where did he get the four word quotation from Engels? This is a juvenile tactic to vilify an opponent. I doubt that it was taken from any of Engels\u2019 discussions on the national question. It is possible that it is from AD (Anti-Duhring<\/i>), where Engels criticized the liberal concept of \u2018equality\u2019 like Marx criticized \u2018rights.\u2019 In my opinion, both were substantially wrong on both counts.<\/p>\n

Poor Marx and Engels, Dayan as a self-proclaimed \u2018political scientist\u2019 has gone to their wrong side. They were the same on the national question, and particularly Engels had a particular antipathy for \u2018small nations\u2019 sometimes calling them \u2018refuse of history.\u2019 He was supporting the assimilation of small nations and national groups by the big ones. He also had a notion of \u2018great and lesser nations\u2019 the way Dayan considers \u2018majority-minority\u2019 duality. If I reckon correctly, Engels called Albanians, a \u2018goat fucking nation.\u2019 Therefore, I wouldn\u2019t take Engels seriously either on the question of \u2018equality\u2019 or the \u2018national question.\u2019 My respect for Lenin on the national question is entirely different as I have state in my initial article. Therefore, I am more amused than angered by Dayan\u2019s gimmicks.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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