{"id":133978,"date":"2014-11-30T11:50:42","date_gmt":"2014-11-30T06:20:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=133978"},"modified":"2014-12-04T03:38:44","modified_gmt":"2014-12-03T22:08:44","slug":"maithri-manifesto-and-quest-for-justice","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/maithri-manifesto-and-quest-for-justice\/","title":{"rendered":"\u2018Maithri\u2019 Manifesto And Quest For Justice"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Laksiri Fernando<\/span><\/a> –<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"Dr.<\/a>

Dr. Laksiri Fernando<\/p><\/div>\n

I was extremely pleased when Maithripala Sirisena<\/span><\/a>, the common candidate of the opposition, emphasized the importance of adopting a Gandhian policy for Sri Lanka in his appearance at the \u2018Satana\u2019 program of the Sirasa TV on 22 November<\/span><\/a>. It meant mainly non-violence with emphasis on moral power. He showed a tiny booklet to the audience written by the renowned writer, W. A. Abeysinghe, titled \u201cGandhi Example for Sri Lankan Politics<\/i>,\u201d written in Sinhala. For those who are not familiar with Abeysinghe, he is a popular writer and a literary figure whose many essays became interestingly published in a Tamil title, \u201cSatyam Shivam, Sundaran<\/i>\u201d (Truth is Beautiful), edited by his daughter, Dipachandi Abeysinghe, in 2011.<\/p>\n

Let me call Maithripala Sirisena, MS.<\/p>\n

Opposition Declaration<\/b><\/p>\n

In his concluding presentation, MS emphasized the importance of \u201cmedia freedom for democracy<\/i>\u201d and vouched it would be re-established after a victory, of course among a gathering of many journalists and media personnel. Therefore, one may discount it as a media stunt. However, he also outlined the basic tenets of a program that the United Opposition Front might unleash in a few weeks\u2019 time. That was impressive. His emphasis, as he said, was on \u201cunity and harmony of ethnic and religious communities<\/i>\u201d on the one hand, and \u201calleviating the grievances of the low income earners<\/i>\u201d one the other.<\/p>\n

\"Maithripala<\/a>These twin approaches would be underlined by the \u201crespect for and protection of all human and fundamental rights,<\/i>\u201d he said. How many political leaders actually speak about human rights in Sri Lanka? He belongs to this rare species. At least his public utterances were politically correct. He gave an emotional promise to \u201cend the corrupt family rule, re-establish rule of law, reinstate democracy and change the existing political culture<\/i>.\u201d All these were in addition to the \u201cabolition of the executive presidential system within 100 days,<\/i>\u201d which is the main platform of the opposition. Whether this is feasible or not is a debatable matter on which I would return some other time.<\/p>\n

He agreed with the JVP leader, Anura Kumara Dissanayake<\/span><\/a>, who was another panelist at the program, that \u201cbenevolent dictatorship (Sonduru Akgnadayakatwaya) is now turning or has turned into a malevolent one<\/i> (Kuriru Akgnadayakatwaya)<\/i>.\u201d The emphasis came from AKD.<\/p>\n

It is in respect of \u201cchanging the political culture<\/i>\u201d that he referred to Mahatma Gandhi and his principles, and also referred to Nelson Mandela of South Africa, Dr. Martin Luther King of US and our own SWRD Bandaranaike. I would have preferred him also to mention SJV Chelvanayakam, along with Bandaranaike, who were the two main advocates of Gandhian principles in our country, whatever the deviations of their followers or themselves. He said \u201cour policies will be based on these principles<\/i>.\u201d<\/p>\n

He emphasized that \u201cNelson Mandela was in prison for 27 years, but after he came to power or office, he held the presidential position only for 4 years<\/i>.\u201d Alas, that is not the case in Sri Lanka.<\/p>\n

A President for 100 Days!<\/b><\/p>\n

There are those who have asked the question \u201cWhy should anyone vote for Maithripala if he is not going to be the president after a hundred days while Ranil is going to be the PM?<\/i> <\/i>I am quoting the question from Dayan Jayatilleka<\/span><\/a>, not as a polemic against him, but as an example. Some others have asked the same question thereafter.<\/p>\n

Obviously, this question is asked not because of any ignorance. Let me first ignore the clear personal antipathy against the person who is supposed to become the PM. Contrary to the indication in the question, there will be a strong UNP constituency who would vote for MS merely in order to appoint Ranil Wickremesinghe<\/span><\/a> as the PM. That is one strength of this strategy. Leaving that aside, what is behind the question is a particular perception of politics. That is my main concern in this article. Let me reduce the question to the following: Why should anyone vote for Maithripala if he is not going to be the president after a hundred days?<\/i><\/p>\n

The clear and simple answer is \u2018to abolish the presidential system and bring good governance and caring administration in the country.\u2019 It may be a puzzle for those who think politics and elections only in terms of power and position. However, the time has come to think politics and elections in terms of justice, fairness, righteousness, honesty and integrity. That is the cry of the moment.<\/p>\n

When one traces the history of the present movement for the abolition of the presidential system, it started with the formation of the National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ) initiated by Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha<\/span><\/a> Thero and others, particularly after the 18th<\/sup> Amendment. It was on the same premises and concerns that the movement for \u2018Pivithuru Hetak\u2019<\/i> (Clean Future) was formed by Ven. Athuraliye Rathana<\/span><\/a> of the JHU. Both movements were moving away from \u2018mere power politics\u2019 towards the \u2018establishment of Justice.\u2019<\/p>\n

Of course, the presidential system can be abolished through extra-electoral or extra-parliamentary means and one may think that is the logical procedure than contesting for the presidency and then leaving the position in 100 days\u2019 time. But the results would be disastrous and worse than what we have at present.<\/p>\n

Contesting the presidency to renounce the position in 100 days may appear contradictory to some. But it is the most dialectically logical and consistent proposition. As the popular proverb goes, \u2018it is only through the mouth of the well that one can escape when one falls into it.\u2019 There is no other way.<\/p>\n

Philosophical Underpinnings<\/b><\/p>\n

There is a philosophical underpinning to what is happening in Sri Lanka today, if I may become little abstract. Hitherto almost all societies considered politics as matters of power between various classes, ethnic or social groups, dynasties, individuals or ideologies. And as a result, questions of justice had to take a back seat. The newest theory is about clash of civilizations (based on religious beliefs). The consequence of power politics has been war, violence and destruction of life and property, with immense human suffering. This has been common to national as well as international politics, but Sri Lanka has been a classic example of this predicament in recent times.<\/p>\n

Do we need to or can we go on the same lines in the future? Can\u2019t we take a reverse turn and understand the common human peril and make a determination to stop the lunacy and take a more rational and a reasonable path? <\/b><\/p>\n

What can we call the new way? I would call it the \u2018quest for justice,\u2019 while admitting its own limitations or misunderstandings. Justice to one can be an injustice to another in some circumstances. This is a contradiction that we have to resolve. When some call for justice they sometimes mean vengeance. This vindictive urge also should be neutralized. These are however some exceptions than the normal understanding. Normal understanding of \u2018justice\u2019 is good enough to make a departure from destructive power politics and to make politics reasonable, peaceful and more responsive to people\u2019s needs and aspirations.<\/p>\n

Permit me for a personal note. I have been advocating or holding the above ideas for some time and two landmarks can be mentioned. Once when the University of Colombo was engulfed in student violence between different political factions, the Centre for the Study of Human Rights (CSHR) issued an educational leaflet on my initiative requesting the students to change their minds about the \u2018purpose of politics.\u2019 Mistaken understanding of \u2018politics as power\u2019 was identified as the primary cause for student violence. That was somewhere in 1998. Later when a new Department of Political Science and Public Policy was established in 2001 at the University of Colombo, an emphasis in its mission statement was given to reconsider, in research and teaching, politics as a \u2018struggle for justice\u2019 and not as a \u2018struggle for power.\u2019 That mission however was not taken root.<\/p>\n

I was not completely going against Lasswell\u2019s characterization of politics, \u201cWho Gets What, When and How<\/i>?\u201d but rather expanding on it. At the same time, I was not completely denying or rejecting the power aspect of politics.<\/b> If I were to recognize power as an important dynamic, I would rather go along with Max Webber who characterized \u201cpower as the chance of a man or a number of men to realize their will in a communal action,<\/i>\u201d adding that \u2018for a justiciable object,<\/i>\u2019 also revising the terms \u2018man and men\u2019 also to mean \u2018woman and women.\u2019<\/p>\n

Challenges <\/b><\/p>\n

There is no need to idealize the opposition movement unnecessarily. However, there is a clear urge within the Sri Lankan society today to seek justice and \u2018to renounce those who abuse power for the sake of power or for the sake of money.<\/i>\u2019 There is no wonder that this movement for justice has crystalized as a movement seeking the abolition of the executive presidential system. Due credit should be given to Kumar David<\/span><\/a> who advocated the single purpose issue<\/span><\/a> in conjunction. There can be a little exaggeration to picture the EP system as the sole reason for all the ills in society or polity. That is how the social movements, however, emerge. The slogan is also not far away from the truth. It is symbolic and depending on the further developments of the movement, it would lead to further reforms and change in society and polity. It is an opening of an opportunity. At least that is how the intellectuals or the social activists should perceive and support the movement.\u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/b><\/p>\n

What is the object of Mahinda Rajapaksa<\/span><\/a> seeking a Third Term as the Executive President of Sri Lanka? Is it personal, family, party or country? Why couldn\u2019t he handover the baton to another person within his party or even within his own family? Why is the family (or the acolytes) hiding behind him without allowing a democratic succession within the party and country? What is there to hide and safeguard? These are some of the questions that the people should ask before voting for MR or MS at the presidential election.<\/p>\n

There is no doubt that the opposition movement itself contains certain \u2018dynastic\u2019 elements. No movement is pure. However, that is not the main character of the movement. It is abundantly democratic and progressive. Ranil Wickremesinghe as a key player has, so far, managed these diverse elements quite skillfully. The dynastic elements or other ailments are within manageable limits. The opposition movement itself is not one but several. That is the beauty of the movement; its democratic plurality. One section undoubtedly can \u2018check and balance\u2019 the other if there are extremes. There are \u2018abolitionists\u2019 and there are \u2018reformists.\u2019 There are \u2018partisans\u2019 and there are \u2018bipartisans.\u2019 The issues should be resolved pragmatically or practically.<\/p>\n

There are those who considered the movement for the abolition of the EP system as \u2018elitist and urban.\u2019 Now the \u2018Messiah\u2019 of the movement has emerged quite unexpectedly from the rural milieu. He has a fitting name as the leader of the movement, \u2018Maithri\u2019 <\/i>(meaning loving or compassionate one). He does have pliable charisma compared to increasing arrogance of MR. I would love to see both contenders debating on TV<\/b>. Then people could make up their minds.<\/p>\n

There is one significant statement that MS made in respect of power. He unequivocally asserted that the \u2018power of the people is more powerful than the power of the state<\/i>.\u2019 This Marxian axiom might reverberate in the people\u2019s movement leading to the elections in the coming future. There cannot be any doubt about that. He also made a clear request (or is it a message?) from the armed forces and the police \u2018to ensure free and fair election<\/i>.\u2019 In turn he assured \u2018to safeguard and protect all those professional soldiers and duty minded officers<\/i>.\u2019 Kumar David has already suggested to have Sarath Fonseka as a shadow defense minister. There is a need to counter any attempt to mobilize the armed forces against the democracy movement before or after the election.<\/p>\n

There is obviously no need to support the opposition movement uncritically. Blind faith is not warranted. However, the notion of \u2018critical support\u2019 should be nuanced with \u2018support first, criticism second.\u2019 The need is not of sequential order but of priority. The criticisms should be constructive.<\/p>\n

Let me make two brief suggestions in conclusion.<\/p>\n

First is to resurrect the traditions of Bandaranaike, Chelvanayakam, Dudley Senanayake and MHM Ashraff in the emerging democracy movement to emphasize non-violence, fair play and cooperation between communities and political parties. NMSJ or its equivalent should emerge in the North and the East.<\/p>\n

Second is to promote women participation in the emerging democracy movement in a forceful manner. The appearance of one or two faces on stage is not enough. Women may have a decisive role in unravelling the dictatorial quagmire link to the EP system. Their voices should be heard and acted upon.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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