{"id":183149,"date":"2017-10-19T01:40:04","date_gmt":"2017-10-18T20:10:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=183149"},"modified":"2017-10-23T08:57:39","modified_gmt":"2017-10-23T03:27:39","slug":"the-sinhala-alt-right-the-tamil-question","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/the-sinhala-alt-right-the-tamil-question\/","title":{"rendered":"The Sinhala Alt-Right & The Tamil Question\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"

By\u00a0Dayan Jayatilleka<\/a>\u00a0\u2013<\/b><\/strong><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka<\/p><\/div>\n

Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekara<\/a> asks \u201cSimply show us how the Tamils are being discriminated against and where.\u201d\u00a0<\/span>Answer: 1958<\/b> (read Tarzie Vittachi\u2019s book \u2018Emergency 58\u2019) and Black July\u201983<\/b><\/a>. The experience does not leave the collective memory of a community, easily. The first massacres of Sinhala civilians at Naiaru and Kokilai, Dollar and Kent farms, and Anuradhapura, came later<\/b>, in late \u201983, 1984 and 1985. <\/span><\/p>\n

Sarath Weerasekara declares the Tamil question \u201ca problem non-existent\u201d. He goes on to say \u201cThe main argument of the separatist elements is that the Tamils in Sri Lanka are gravely discriminated against and not given their proper place in the society because they are Tamils\u201d.\u00a0<\/span>Admiral Weerasekara does not know that the separatist<\/b> Tamils have long since stopped basing their argument on the place they have in our society and the issue of discrimination. They base themselves primarily on the \u201cright of national self-determination<\/a>\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n

This has been so from the Vadukkodai resolution<\/a> of 1976 onwards, through the so-called Thimpu principles<\/a>. Indeed the claim of distinct nationhood was contained several decades ago in the founding document of the Federal Party. It is the non-separatist<\/b> Tamils and moderate Sinhalese who still talk mainly about discrimination and the place of Tamils in our society. Even Mr. Sampanthan and Mr. Sumanthiran, who aren\u2019t exactly separatist, have moved on and talk about the \u201cright of internal self-determination of the Tamil people\u201d. <\/span><\/p>\n

Admiral Weerasekara says \u201cWe are yet to receive an answer to the Tamil \u201cproblem\u201d, except getting a barrage of terminologies such as Alienation, Aspirations, Submission etc.\u201d The good admiral must brush up his reading or simply ask former President Mahinda Rajapaksa<\/a> what was in the Report of the LLRC that he appointed and officially accepted. <\/span><\/p>\n

So what did the LLRC<\/a> appointed by President Rajapaksa have to conclude about the Tamil Question? The LLRC Report is its clear and unambiguous identification of the causes of the Sri Lankan conflict and crisis and answered the questions as to what the grievances of the Tamil community are, which of them are genuine and legitimate, and how they differ from the grievances of the Sinhala community. The relevant segments were entitled \u2018Grievances of the Tamil Community\u2019 \u2018The Historical Background relating to Majority-Minority relationships<\/b> in Sri Lanka<\/b>\u2019 and \u2018The Different Phases in the Narrative of Tamil Grievances\u2019<\/b> (pp. 291-294, 369-370). The LLRC made a diagnosis and provided a prescription:<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThe Commission takes the view that the root cause of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka lies in the failure of successive Governments to address the genuine grievances of the Tamil people. The country may not have been confronted with a violent separatist agenda, if the political consensus at the time of independence had been sustained and if\u00a0policies had been implemented to build up and strengthen the confidence of the minorities around the system which had gained a reasonable measure of acceptance. A political solution is imperative to address the causes of the conflict\u2026\u201d<\/b>\u00a0(p 291, articles 8.150, 8.151) <\/span><\/p>\n

\u201c\u2026the success of ending armed conflict must be invested in an all-inclusive political process of dialogue and accommodation so that the conflict by other means will not continue\u2026 However, if these expectations were to become a reality in the form of a multi-ethnic nation at peace with itself in a democratic Sri Lanka, the Government and all political leaders must manifest political will and sincerity of purpose…\u201d<\/b>\u00a0(Preamble, pp.1-2)<\/span><\/p>\n

Any National Question anywhere (e.g. Quebec, Catalonia, Kurdistan) is NOT primarily about discrimination. If it were, the struggle would be for equal rights and integration, as was the Civil Rights movement of the US Blacks. So if Admiral Weerasekara wants to fight against Tamil secession or federalism<\/a> or even autonomy of any sort within a unitary state, he must know what he is fighting against. <\/span><\/p>\n

The basic point is that communities that collectively perceive themselves a nation or a nationality or a distinct people, ask for autonomy or self-determination in the geographic area that they form a compact mass and are in a majority. That may not be a good thing, and I think it is not in most cases except in those of colonial\/foreign occupation (e.g. Palestine), but that\u2019s beside the point. The issue is that the question of autonomy or self-rule is rooted in a geographic area and not defined by the percentage of people of that ethnicity who live outside the area. That is the National Question or the Nationalities Question or the Ethno-national Question. <\/span><\/p>\n

Admiral Weerasekara says \u201cWe don\u2019t agree with anybody justifying maximum devolution of power to North to address the artificially created \u201calienation\u201d and \u201caspiration\u201d issues, because they are non-existent.\u201d Well, he had better take that up with his former Commander-in Chief, President Rajapaksa, whom I agree with, who declared in his speech at the commencement of the APRC (and the beginning of the war), that his formula is \u201cmaximum devolution within a unitary state\u201d.<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Sarath Weerasekara says the \u201cUK is a United\/Federal country and in that federation anyone can be elected as the PM.\u201d I wonder whether he can quote a credentialed source which says that \u201cthe UK is a federal country and\u2026a federation\u201d. Even at the UPR at the UNHRC (Geneva), the UK defines itself in formal documents as a unitary state.<\/span><\/p>\n

None of Sarath Weerasekara\u2019s numerous postwar examples are from civil conflicts or internal wars. All his examples are of wars between\/against countries. Why does he think the JVP was \u201callowed to continue\u201d after the state militarily crushed its barbaric terrorist uprising? <\/span><\/p>\n

In the post war period, President Rajapaksa was blocked from implementing his sincere efforts at implementing a political solution, including those commitments he made to India during wartime and to both India and the UN Secretary-General in the immediate aftermath of the victory. These commitments DID NOT include an accountability component with any international ingredient whatsoever, but it DID include a commitment by his handpicked troika<\/i> (GR-BR-Lalith) during the war and by him in the two postwar joint communiques of May 21<\/span>st<\/sup><\/span> and 23<\/span>rd<\/sup><\/span> 2009, to implement<\/b> the 13<\/b><\/span>th<\/sup><\/b><\/span> amendment<\/b> (NOT \u201cfully\u201d implement) and proceed to open a political dialogue with the representatives of the Tamil people. <\/span><\/p>\n

President Rajapaksa did not renege on his commitment. It was he who held a free and fair election to the Northern Provincial Council<\/a> in 2013, at a time when the massive military presence there could have been used to distort the result. Instead, the election resulted in Mr. Wigneswaran as Chief Minister, and he was sworn in by President Rajapaksa (on an occasion at which I too was an invitee).<\/span><\/p>\n

What was almost irreparably damaging though was that the implementation of President Rajapaksa\u2019s commitment was blocked from 2009 until 2013, causing him, the Govt. and the State to lose valuable time and space. By the time he held the election in 2013 the game had drastically changed in our disfavor. Nationally, our allies, the anti-Tiger Tamils (Douglas Devananda, D. Siddharthan, and Anandasangaree) had been weakened and the TNA had bounced back. Internationally, we had lost India, which had voted against us in Geneva in 2012 having been a strong ally in 2009. <\/span><\/p>\n

What was the problem? It was the delay in implementing the 13<\/a><\/span>th<\/sup><\/span> amendment as promised, and that delay was because the Sinhala Far Right was not merely against Tamil terrorism and separatism but against any form of territorial autonomy for the Tamils, and furthermore, it was not only against federalism<\/a>\u2014which is entirely laudable\u2014but also against devolution within a unitary state in the concrete form of the 13<\/span>th<\/sup><\/span> amendment which we had solemnly and repeatedly promised India, would be soon implemented!\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

As we began losing India, we had to tilt more and more to China until finally, almost all our eggs were in the Chinese basket, except for one economic egg that was in the Japanese basket and allowed Japan to successfully nudge President Rajapaksa into the belated holding of the Northern Provincial Council election in 2013.<\/span><\/p>\n

Some of the sentiments of the Hard Right (both the pro-Tiger \u2018Mahaveera<\/a>\u2019 element of Northern society and the Tamil Diaspora<\/a> as well as the Sinhala Alt-Right) remind me of an extensive definition I recently read which I would like to share with the admirable Admiral, his fellow travelers and the readers in general:\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cPolitical ideology stressing nationalism, militarism, centrally regulated private enterprise, the subordination of the individual to the state, and single party totalitarian government, usually under the dictatorial rule of a charismatic leader\u2026The theorists who inspired fascist doctrine\u2026tended to share a belief in the nation as a sacred entity in which individual interests must yield to national goals\u2026In the fascist state, the individual is seen as subordinate to the community; rigid discipline and unquestioning acceptance of the state\u2019s authority become an ethic of self-sacrifice and patriotic loyalty\u2026.While most fascist movements have espoused an extreme nationalism, German fascism was distinguished by racist ideals that transcended national boundaries\u2026\u201d<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

This is extracted from the entry on FASCISM<\/b> in the large volume entitled \u2018A World of Ideas: a Dictionary of Important Theories, Concepts, Beliefs, and Thinkers\u2019<\/b>, Ballantine Books, Random House, New York 1999 (p 132).<\/span><\/p>\n

Admiral Weerasekara refers to this country as \u201cSinhale\u201d. That archaic name was used before our demography, history, consciousness, and the world itself, had undergone a tectonic shift with an accompanying paradigm shift. The name is certainly light years away from the LLRC\u2019s definition of this country as \u201ca multiethnic nation\u201d. <\/span><\/p>\n

Since 1984 I have consistently supported provincial devolution and called for a political pincer move that would link the North and South. To this end, for three decades I have called for the South to implement<\/b> the 13<\/span>th<\/sup><\/span> amendment and the North and East to work<\/b> the 13<\/span>th<\/sup><\/span> amendment. That is the only viable political solution to the Tamil question in this, our time. \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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