{"id":187259,"date":"2018-02-08T15:22:26","date_gmt":"2018-02-08T09:52:26","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=187259"},"modified":"2018-02-11T18:42:52","modified_gmt":"2018-02-11T13:12:52","slug":"corbyn-strange-rebirth-of-radical-politics-by-richard-seymour","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/corbyn-strange-rebirth-of-radical-politics-by-richard-seymour\/","title":{"rendered":"\u2018Corbyn: Strange Rebirth Of Radical Politics\u2019 By Richard Seymour"},"content":{"rendered":"

Reviewed By Laksiri Fernando<\/a> –<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Dr. Laksiri Fernando<\/p><\/div>\n

This is an exceptionally valuable book for those who wish to understand British left politics today and\/or resurrect social democratic, or in Sri Lanka\u2019s case sama samaja<\/i> (equal society) politics in a context where mixed signals or choices are being posed by various quarters. This should not mean that what Jeremy Corbyn is advocating in Britain today is completely applicable to Sri Lanka or even to Britain.<\/span><\/p>\n

Corbyn may go into history as a person who has inspired a new generation of enthusiasts on \u2018social equality,\u2019 both encompassing politics and economics. What might be necessary is social equality also in the international sphere. This may prove to be an intermediary phase between the enthusiasm for \u2018neoliberalism,\u2019 that is now turning into its opposite, and an era of \u2018social equality\u2019 and social democracy. Corbyn\u2019s ideology is not exactly social democracy, but something going beyond, and as he says, \u2018democratic socialism.\u2019 (By the way, this is similar to the title of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka!).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Corbyn exceptional radicalism has created a wedge within the Labour Party which was historically necessary given Tony Blair\u2019s and other\u2019s capitulation to what became initiated by Margaret Thatcher and other neoliberals in 1980s. This rise may coincide with a more right-wing initiatives of nationalists or \u2018patriots,\u2019 for example, who broke Britain from the EU (Brexit), and this is a challenge that committed social democrats may have to face in a many countries including Sri Lanka going through a transitional period. <\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>Among a dozen of books already written on Jeremy Corbyn, 287 page Richard Seymour\u2019s Verso book (Second Edition, London, 2017) can be considered one of the best and it is undoubtedly closer to what I intend to highlight in this review: \u2018we are closer to a new area of democratic socialism where both political equality and economic equality could prevail<\/i>.\u2019 <\/span><\/p>\n

Circumstances of New Radicalism <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Seymour correctly locates Corbyn’s success first within the party (2015), and next in the country at 2016 elections within the limits and downturn of neoliberalism and globalization. Corbin didn\u2019t win the elections in the traditional sense to become the PM, but \u201cLabour had its biggest surge in votes since 1945.\u201d More importantly, his cause for \u2018democratic socialism\u2019 was the obvious winner in the political landscape. Vindicating his arguments and policies, the limits of \u2018neoliberalism\u2019 became revealed in the global financial crisis (2007-2008) which started in the United Stated with the burst of the \u2018housing bubble\u2019 and the credit crunch, and spread the shivers throughout the capitalist world engulfing the United Kingdom. This was ironically during the last Labour government\u2019s tenure under Gordon Brown (2007-2010).\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

As Seymour reported, \u201cWorld trade is still growing, but far less rapidly than before the credit crunch, and more slowly than global GDP. According to the World Trade Organization, the ratio of trade growth to GDP growth fell to 0.6:1 in 2016.\u201d This is a valid analysis for the resurrection of social democracy or democratic socialism not only in Britain but world over. It is not through pure theoretical arguments that the need and rational for social democracy could be justified, but within an economic analysis and grievances of the people.\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Perhaps heralding what is to come in 2018, world stock markets have plunged again in early February. The Dow Jones\u2019 Index dropped by 1,175 points or 4.6 percent in one day on 5 February, but modestly recovered thereafter. This is the highest ever recorded fall within a day in its history, but the defenders of the markets argued that it is a market correction. It is not only DJ which had plunged; S& P fell by 4.1 percent and Nasdaq by 3.8. In Australia, within a day over $ 60 dollars became wiped out in the stock market. <\/span><\/p>\n

Even it is a \u2018market correction,\u2019 it was at a heavy price and the most affected were the superannuation and pension funds. At least it shows that this world of \u2018unbridled markets\u2019 are cyclical and the real losers at the end are the ordinary people in terms of jobs, wages and living standards. <\/span><\/p>\n

At the previous occasion, first came the recession in the housing economy and then the crash in the stock market. This time, the stocks have crashed first, and it is not clear yet what would follow in the economies. Whatever the case, there is no doubt that the \u2018elected governments\u2019 by the people would come to the recuse of the big companies and business communities at the expense of the people. This vindicates what Jeremy Corbyn has been continuously advocating. People have to have a proper ideology, a party and a dedicated leadership to counter the situation.\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Corbyn \u2019s Background <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

There is no question that Corbyn as a person played a decisive role in radicalizing Labour politics. But it was not as a traditional \u2018charismatic\u2019 leader, but a determined humble one and that was his charisma among the new generations and circumstances. Until he obtained nearly 13 million votes at the elections, no one in the conservative circles or conservatives within the Labour did not take him serious. He was considered the \u2018absolute boy\u2019 and traduced as a \u2018laughing-stock\u2019 leader. All these became changed suddenly. <\/span><\/p>\n

As Seymour said, \u201cCorbyn, from a more humble background in rural Shropshire, where he worked on local farms, has never been considered a likely Labour leader.\u201d As he further quoted Corbyn himself, there was a big contrast between him and Tony Blair. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThe difference between me and Tony was that whereas he was one of those very unusual politicians who was actually very successful in a conventional career pattern, I have been monumentally unsuccessful in the conventional career patter<\/i>.\u201d (p.4).\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Perhaps that was his strength, having gone through difficulties in life and coming into contact with ordinary workers, farmers, housewives, unemployed youth and the like. This was also the difference between him and Theresa May. During the election campaign when she was asked about the \u2018naughtiest thing she ever did as a child,\u2019 she had said \u2018running through fields of wheat, upsetting local farmers\u2019! That was the difference.\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

It is not unusual in the Labour history (UK or Australia) for the workers or trade unionists to come to the leadership. Is this possible in Sri Lanka within the Left? I doubt it at present. There was a time when trade union leaders like D. G. William or M. G. Mendis were prominent in the Left movement. But even that period is gone now as the trade union movement has become scattered and the remnants largely becoming tools of ruling parties or nationalists. Another reason is the monopoly of the English education; thus the so-called theoretical knowledge imprisoned within a small urban elite.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

His Ascendency <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Corbyn has been in local council politics between 1974 and 1983. This is in addition to his trade union activities. He became a Member of Parliament representing Islington North since 1983. Therefore, apart from his trade union affiliation and activism, and local government politics, he has been familiar with what was going on inside the parliamentary Labour Party during this \u2018reformist\u2019 or \u2018revisionist\u2019 period (1994-2015). The ideology of this period was broadly called \u2018New Labour,\u2019 directly\u00a0 <\/span>and indirectly accepting neoliberalism.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

In my opinion, however, there is no reason to totally reject what appeared as the analysis of \u2018New Labour,\u2019 with some excellent contributions in Marxism Today<\/i>. Even in the future, social democratic movements even elsewhere may have to absorb some of this analysis particularly in respect of political liberalism. However, Corbyn was completely right in objecting and countering the economic conclusions of this analysis or its capitulation to neoliberalism. Even on the question of \u2018free market,\u2019 there is no reason to completely reject the reality.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

While coming from a radical family, both parents being peace campaigners since 1930s, his political upbringing was very close to Tony Benn, probably the most radical politician in the Labour Party after the war. He himself was an anti-war activist going against the vacillating policies of the party on particularly Iraq war. He followed this leftist path very firmly and was instrumental in giving Tariq Ali, the former member of the International Marxist Group, membership of the Labour Party in 1982. <\/span><\/p>\n

There are two chapters in Seymour\u2019s important book, chapters 4 and 5, outlining his ascending to the leadership. <\/span><\/p>\n

His Programme <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

As Richard Seymour, the author of the book that we talk about says, \u201cCorbyn\u2019s agenda is not exactly the Communist Manifesto<\/i>.\u201d He is not even a strong Marxist. He believes in many things and, first and foremost as a rational politician, he believes in the people. Not that he believes in their opinion or what we call \u2018public opinion, but their interests and needs. \u201cThat is not to say he is indifferent to what people think\u00a0 <\/span>– but he wants to change opinion.\u201d\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

His manifesto at the last election was fairly radical. It may be better to quote Seymour on this subject. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cLabour\u2019s manifesto \u2013 above all its core commitments to renationalizing rail, mail, energy, and water; expanded public investment; abolishing tuition fees; building council houses; raising the minimum wage; and rolling out a new menu of workers\u2019 rights \u2013 was extremely popular<\/i>.\u201d (p. xii). <\/span><\/p>\n

There is no question about the popularity of such a radical manifesto among the labouring workers who always wait for a raise in minimum wages and among the students and youth who are eager to have tuition free education. But what about the middle classes and the public in general? His \u2018renationalization agenda\u2019 (rail, mail, energy and water) was extremely radical, while his \u2018expanded public investment\u2019 was equally popular among the party members and supporters without much questioning except among the conservatives. Building council houses was\/is a primary necessity in Britain and elsewhere given the housing prices and rents. <\/span><\/p>\n

Is such a programme feasible in Sri Lanka towards social democracy or more precisely, democratic socialism? This is a question I would like to pose with this review. Renationalization or halting privatization is necessary for social justice and affordability. Could they be run efficiently and without loss? Sri Lanka has largely preserved free education and health care although with several encroachments. Could they be expanded at least? Unfortunately, even at this closely contested local government elections, no one has promised or talked about \u2018council houses.\u2019 <\/span><\/p>\n

Corbyn has continuously refuted the neoliberal theory of \u2018trickledown effect.\u2019 How long the ordinary people have to wait for the \u2018trickles\u2019 to come down like manna! That is why he is talking about \u2018expanded public investments.\u2019 Obviously such a thing is difficult in a country like Sri Lanka given the small economic base, corruption and inefficiency. Another reason is the present tax structure. Therefore a certain leverage could be and should be allowed for the private sector participation and FDI. However, the \u2018free market\u2019 should not be allowed to manifest as \u2018bond scams.\u2019 <\/span><\/p>\n

Future Prospects <\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

What are the prospects of Jeremy Corbyn winning elections in the future? Anyone interested in this subject should particularly read Chapter 6 or the final chapter. The author\u2019s analysis is obviously cautious on this matter both weighing pros and cons or merits and demerits. For this assessment, the author has finally used several types of benchmark.<\/span><\/p>\n

The first is organizational. This is about the party while the author has commended Corbyn as fairly a good organizer and an effective communicator in previous chapters. The author has used elsewhere the common Christian saying, \u2018the church is not bricks and mortar.\u2019 This means the Party is not its bureaucracy or money, but its members. Corbyn it appears has a good grasp on this matter. <\/span><\/p>\n

The second is ideology. Corbyn undoubtedly is a radical socialist. He has resurrected the word \u2018socialism\u2019 after several decades, where it was completely off the agenda. However he is a pragmatist and not an extremist. Democracy and liberty are close to his heart it appears. The third benchmark is electoral. This may be an area he is apparently weak, but appears catching up fast, but without compromising principles. He seems to be working on the youth, the poor and also utilizing the social media with much success. <\/span><\/p>\n

The final benchmark the author talks about is policy. This is of course a difficult matter with different dimensions in any country. Corbyn has however built much consensus within the party and it is a matter of effectively communicating them to the public. The following appears to be the author\u2019s final assessment about his future. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cIn the first edition of this book, I thought it most likely that Corbynism would enjoy some successes but fail in its larger, longer-term objectives\u2026.It is no longer evident that this is the most realistic reading<\/i>.\u201d (p. 287). <\/span><\/p>\n

*Richard Seymour is not a Labour Party member or a close ally of Jeremy Corbyn. A former member of the Socialist Workers Party, he is an independent Marxist writer, broadcaster and an activist. \u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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