{"id":193917,"date":"2018-09-30T23:02:45","date_gmt":"2018-09-30T17:32:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=193917"},"modified":"2018-10-01T22:21:36","modified_gmt":"2018-10-01T16:51:36","slug":"map-calls-for-independent-evidence-gathering-mechanism-for-sri-lanka","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/map-calls-for-independent-evidence-gathering-mechanism-for-sri-lanka\/","title":{"rendered":"MAP Calls For Independent Evidence-Gathering Mechanism For Sri Lanka"},"content":{"rendered":"

Sri Lanka Monitoring and Accountability Panel (MAP) called for the UN Human Rights Council<\/a> to set up an independent evidence-gathering mechanism for Sri Lanka with a similar mandate to those on Syria and now Myanmar.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>The organization made this request in light of the Sri Lankan government’s continued delaying tactics in setting up an accountability mechanism for the country.<\/p>\n

“Looking ahead to the HRC\u2019s 40th Session in March 2019\u2014when the question of Sri Lanka\u2019s compliance is back on the agenda\u2014a fresh approach is needed. And, fortuitously perhaps, recent events at the Council provide a potential solution. On 27 September, with respect to the situation in Myanmar, the HRC \u2018overwhelmingly supported a resolution to set up an \u201cindependent mechanism\u201d that will collect and analyze evidence of the \u201cmost serious international crimes\u201d and prepare dossiers that will make it easier for prosecutors to bring cases to trial in national, regional or international courts\u2019,” the organization said.<\/p>\n

It also added, “As noted by the International Commission of Jurists, the rationale behind such a mechanism is clear: \u2018The passage of time increases the chances that critical evidence will deteriorate or be lost entirely, reducing the possibility of effective prosecution. An IIIM mechanism would ensure that evidence is collected, preserved and analyzed to a standard and methodology facilitating its use in national, regional or international courts.\u2019”<\/p>\n

We publish below the statement issued by MAP in full:<\/p>\n

Sri Lanka and the 39th Human Rights Council Session:\u00a0Playing Domestic Politics on the International Stage<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

1 October 2018<\/strong><\/p>\n

In early-September 2018, former Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapaksa<\/a> proclaimed that his government\u2019s fight against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE<\/a>) should not be considered an \u2018ethnic war\u2019, as \u2018military action was not directed against the Tamil community\u2019.[1] \u00a0While the veracity of such a claim remains open to heated debate, its delivery at this point in time is not surprising. Mr Rajapaksa appears poised to stage a political comeback, and anti-Tamil assertions are catnip to his Sinhalese supporters\u2014especially members of the military.[2]\u00a0 At the same time, a central element of his platform involves depicting current Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena as a stooge to foreign influence for having endorsed UN Human Rights Council (HRC) Resolution 30\/1\u2014a move Mr Rajapasksa and his supporters consider a blow to the country\u2019s sovereignty and an incursion on \u2018processes that are exclusively the domain of Sri Lanka’s Parliament\u2019.[3]\u00a0 In a further slap to victims, Mr Rajapaksa also characterized the well-founded allegations of human rights abuses by the \u2018victorious Sri Lankan military\u2019 as \u2018false\u2019.[4]<\/p>\n

Fearing for his political life, President Sirisena<\/a> moved to distance himself from the transitional justice program he had signed-up to:<\/p>\n

Two days before the [HRC] sessions in Geneva, Sri Lanka\u2019s president announced plans to move away from implementing [Resolution 30\/1] with the aim of saving the security forces accused of war crimes and mass scale human rights violations.\u00a0 [\u2026]\u00a0 \u2018I am going to introduce a new resolution at the UN [\u2026] mainly to get rid of resolutions and human rights allegations against the security forces [\u2026] and on the program we should implement with regard to LTTE terrorists.\u2019[5]<\/p>\n

Unsurprisingly, this statement was made before a group of Sinhalese activists.[6]<\/p>\n

Days later, in her inaugural speech to the HRC, the new High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, \u2018expressed her concern on Sri Lanka\u2019s lack of progress in addressing war crimes\u2019.[7]\u00a0 Echoing her predecessor, she called for \u2018[m]ore progress in advancing accountability and truth-seeking\u2019 and denounced \u2018[r]ecurrent incidents of racist and inter-communal violence\u2019.[8]\u00a0 Ms Bachelet said Sri Lanka had \u2018moved too slowly towards meaningful implementation of the transitional justice agenda\u2019.[9]\u00a0 Members of the Sri Lanka Core Group also lamented the lack of progress on important areas, emphasizing (among other things) that despite firm commitments by the Government of Sri Lanka (GSL), \u2018national accountability mechanisms [\u2026] have yet to be established\u2019.[10]\u00a0 Human Rights Watch later catalogued precisely how the GSL has \u2018fallen far short\u2019 on its transitional justice efforts[11]\u2014points consistently raised by the Sri Lanka Monitoring and Accountability Panel (MAP) over the last three years.<\/p>\n

On 15 September, amid the HRC session, it was again announced that President Sirisena would ask the UN to refrain from pursuing accountability for war crimes committed by Sri Lankan troops and that he would \u2018instead call on the [HRC] to \u201cremove these charges\u201d.\u2019[12] \u00a0Ignoring the existence of Resolution 30\/1, its two-year extension, and the last several decades of history, he disingenuously claimed that \u2018[w]e can amicably resolve this issue\u2019 and\u2014even more brazenly\u2014that \u2018he expected \u201cconcessions\u201d from the [HRC]\u2019.[13]\u00a0 The move appears to have played well at home.[14]<\/p>\n

And yet, despite his previous political bluster, President Sirisena\u2019s delivery from the international stage was decidedly muted\u2014presumably, to suit his audience.\u00a0 In his 19 September address to the 73rd UN General Assembly, the president was oblique with respect to his view on the GSL\u2019s commitments under Resolution 30\/1:<\/p>\n

[W]e seek the respectful support of all, as we take steps in a progressive manner<\/em>, to address allegations and implement resolutions, while protecting the independence and sovereignty of my country<\/em>. Some expect quick action and short-sighted, short-term solutions.<\/em> As a country which has suffered an almost 30-year-long conflict, I urge the respectful support of all, in ensuring the success of the journey we have embarked upon to unite the people who were torn by division in my country, to build feelings of unity and compassion, to dispel fear, suspicion, anger and hatred and take forward the beloved people of my country and strengthen and rebuild my beloved motherland as a strong and prosperous democracy. Our path forward must be stable and progressive and not one of haste that may be destabilizing, considering the complex and sensitive nature of issues that we face<\/em>.[15]<\/p>\n

Although the terms were vague, the message\u2014to both his domestic and international constituencies\u2014was clear:\u00a0 The contours of Sri Lanka\u2019s \u2018path forward\u2019 will not be charted by the UN.[16]\u00a0 While the HRC should be supportive of any country making genuine efforts to reconcile conflict-affected communities, the evidence has suggested for some time that domestic politics in Sri Lanka will trump international commitments to human rights.\u00a0 Those holding out for the implementation of a credible criminal-justice mechanism under the terms of Resolution 30\/1 can expect a very long \u2018journey\u2019 indeed.<\/p>\n

Looking ahead to the HRC\u2019s 40th Session in March 2019\u2014when the question of Sri Lanka\u2019s compliance is back on the agenda\u2014a fresh approach is needed.\u00a0 And, fortuitously perhaps, recent events at the Council provide a potential solution. On 27 September, with respect to the situation in Myanmar, the HRC \u2018overwhelmingly supported a resolution to set up an \u201cindependent mechanism\u201d that will collect and analyze evidence of the \u201cmost serious international crimes\u201d and prepare dossiers that will make it easier for prosecutors to bring cases to trial in national, regional or international courts\u2019.[17] As noted by the International Commission of Jurists, the rationale behind such a mechanism is clear:\u00a0 \u2018The passage of time increases the chances that critical evidence will deteriorate or be lost entirely, reducing the possibility of effective prosecution.\u00a0 An IIIM mechanism would ensure that evidence is collected, preserved and analyzed to a standard and methodology facilitating its use in national, regional or international courts.\u2019[18]<\/p>\n

Given the GSL\u2019s continued bad faith under President Sirisena\u2019s leadership, the distinct possibility of Mr Rajapaska\u2019s resurgence, and the absolute certainty of the passage of time, the HRC should set up an independent evidence-gathering mechanism for Sri Lanka with a similar mandate to those on Syria and now Myanmar.<\/p>\n

The MAP will issue a detailed report on this and other issues in advance of the HRC\u2019s 40th Session.\u00a0 In the meantime, the MAP will attempt to engage with the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights with a view toward salvaging Resolution 30\/1 as well as exploring alternative solutions for the victims of Sri Lanka\u2019s civil war.<\/p>\n

*The MAP<\/a> provides independent monitoring, advice, and recommendations, focusing on the effectiveness of accountability measures from a victims\u2019 perspective.\u00a0 The views and recommendations of the Panel will enable victims and other stakeholders to participate more effectively in the process and thus enhance the legitimacy of the measures.<\/p>\n

\n

[1] \u00a0\u00a0 \u2018Fight With LTTE Not \u2018Ethnic War\u2019, Didn\u2019t Target Tamils: Rajapaksa\u2019, The Quint<\/em>, 12 September 2018.<\/p>\n

[2] \u00a0\u00a0 \u2018War Targeted LTTE, Not Tamils: Rajapaksa\u2019, The Hindu<\/em>, 13 September 2018 (Rajapaksa \u2018is keen on a political comeback after being ousted by current President Maithripala Sirisena in 2015\u2019.)<\/p>\n

[3] \u00a0\u00a0 \u2018Fight With LTTE Not \u2018Ethnic War\u2019, Didn\u2019t Target Tamils: Rajapaksa\u2019, The Quint<\/em>, 12 September 2018.<\/p>\n

[4] \u00a0\u00a0 \u2018War Targeted LTTE, Not Tamils: Rajapaksa\u2019, The Hindu<\/em>, 13 September 2018; see also<\/em> \u2018Sri Lanka President Rejects Foreign Pressure Over War Crimes\u2019, Economynext<\/em>, 26 September 2018 (\u2018Former president Mahinda Rajapakse crushed the Tamil Tigers in a no-holds-barred military campaign that ended in May 2009. He also insisted that forces under his command did not kill a single civilian and refused to accept any investigation.\u2019)<\/p>\n

[5] \u00a0\u00a0 Athula Vithanage, \u2018Rights Chief Calls to Keep Up With Pledges While Sri Lanka Plans to Snub UN\u2019, Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka<\/em>, 12 September 2018.<\/p>\n

[6] \u00a0\u00a0 Ibid<\/em>.<\/p>\n

[7] \u00a0\u00a0 Ibid<\/em>.<\/p>\n

[8] \u00a0\u00a0 Ibid<\/em>.<\/p>\n

[9] \u00a0\u00a0 \u2018UN Human Rights Chief Says Sri Lanka Has \u201cMoved Too Slowly\u201d\u2019, Tamil Guardian<\/em>, 11 September 2018.<\/p>\n

[10] \u00a0 Sri Lanka Core Group, \u2018Human Rights Council 39: Sri Lanka Core Group Statement\u2019, UK Government (Gov.UK)<\/em>, 11 September 2018 (This UK statement was delivered at the 39th session of the Human Rights Council during the Sri Lanka Core Group Statement.)<\/p>\n

[11] \u00a0 \u2018Sri Lanka Transitional Justice Efforts Fall Far Short \u2013 HRW Director\u2019, Tamil Guardian<\/em>, 20 September 2018.<\/p>\n

[12] \u00a0 \u2018Sri Lankan President Will Ask UN to Drop War Crimes Charges\u2019, Tamil Guardian<\/em>, 17 September 2018.<\/p>\n

[13] \u00a0 Ibid<\/em>; see also<\/em> \u2018Sri Lanka President Rejects Foreign Pressure Over War Crimes\u2019, Economynext<\/em>, 26 September 2018 (\u2018Before leaving for New York, Sirisena had promised to unveil a raft of proposals and also make written submissions to the [HRC] in Geneva for its consideration at the next sessions in March 2019. \u201cI will also make a written request to the [HRC] to settle the allegations against our troops\u201d, Sirisena said on September 15 in Colombo. \u201cI want to tell them to remove these charges. We can amicably resolve this issue\u201d.\u2019)<\/p>\n

[14] \u00a0 See<\/em> Nuwan Senarathna, \u2018Rear Admiral Weerasekara to File Petition Against SL Resolution in UN\u2019, FT Online<\/em>, 18 September 2018 (On 17 September, Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekara announced that he would \u2018file a petition to the [HRC] against the [GSL] for co-sponsoring resolution 30\/1\u2019, accusing the government of \u2018betray[ing] its people to fulfill the needs of [\u2026] foreign nations\u2019. Such petition would be filed \u2018on behalf of the entire nation and the soldiers who sacrificed their lives for their freedom\u2019. Notably, he \u2018welcomed the decision of President Maithripala Sirisena to speak at United Nation on behalf of the armed forces and recognize their value\u2019.)<\/p>\n

[15] \u00a0 Address by Maithripala Sirisena, President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka, General Debate of the Seventy-Second Session of the United Nations General Assembly, 19 September 2017, United Nations, New York (emphasis added).<\/p>\n

[16] \u00a0 See<\/em> \u2018Sri Lanka President Rejects Foreign Pressure Over War Crimes\u2019, Economynext<\/em>, 26 September 2018 (President Sirisena \u2018made no reference to the UN [HRC] resolution seeking a credible investigation into allegations that Sri Lankan troops killed thousands of Tamil civilians in the final months of the war\u2019. Despite previous assertions regarding a reprieve, \u2018there was no fresh proposal\u2019, but only a strident \u2018assertion of Sri Lanka\u2019s sovereignty\u2019.)<\/p>\n

[17] \u00a0 Nick Cumming-Bruce, \u2018Human Rights Council Ratchets Up Pressure on Myanmar\u2019, New York Times, 27 September 2018.<\/p>\n

[18] \u00a0 \u2018Myanmar: Why an IIIM and Security Council Referral Are Needed Despite the ICC Ruling Relating to Bangladesh\u2019, International Commission of Jurists<\/em>, 13 September 2018.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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