{"id":200468,"date":"2019-04-08T15:13:02","date_gmt":"2019-04-08T09:43:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=200468"},"modified":"2019-04-13T12:46:26","modified_gmt":"2019-04-13T07:16:26","slug":"not-holding-pc-elections-implications-for-human-rights-national-reconciliation","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/not-holding-pc-elections-implications-for-human-rights-national-reconciliation\/","title":{"rendered":"Not Holding PC Elections: Implications For Human Rights &#038; National Reconciliation\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>By <a href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?s=Laksiri+Fernando\">Laksiri Fernando<\/a><span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0&#8211;<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_92325\" style=\"width: 160px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><a href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/06\/Laksiri-Fernando.jpg\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-92325\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-92325\" src=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/06\/Laksiri-Fernando-150x150.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"150\" height=\"150\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/06\/Laksiri-Fernando-150x150.jpg 150w, https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2013\/06\/Laksiri-Fernando-50x50.jpg 50w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 150px) 100vw, 150px\" \/><\/a><p id=\"caption-attachment-92325\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Laksiri Fernando<\/p><\/div>\n<p>Application of human rights principles, when taken with necessary responsibilities, could play a major role in national reconciliation, but not limited to that. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?s=Human+rights\"><strong>Human rights<\/strong><\/a> have a broader meaning and value when applied in a progressive and a realistic manner to improve not only people\u2019s civil and political rights but also economic, social and cultural rights. This kind of a general upliftment of human rights across ethnic, religious, regional, class or gender distinctions can immensely contribute to the goal of national reconciliation. <span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>When people have recognized rights, it is the duty of the government and the office holders (i.e. duty bearers) to fulfil them, while the people themselves should exercise these rights with responsibility.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Necessity of Elections <span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p>In the immediate context, the holding of provincial council elections without delay is a must to ensure people\u2019s fundamental rights to elect their representatives (not \u2018rulers\u2019 as some people define!) to the provincial councils. This is most important in the case of the Northern and the Eastern provinces. Otherwise, what is the point of devolution, provincial councils and the talk about reconciliation?<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Sri Lanka is a representative democracy (Preamble to the Constitution); presently at three levels of national, provincial and local. According to Article 3 of the Constitution, \u201cIn the Republic of Sri Lanka sovereignty is in the People and is inalienable. Sovereignty includes the powers of government, fundamental rights and the franchise.\u201d Therefore, franchise is most fundamental to people\u2019s sovereignty, apart from government and fundamental rights.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Article 21 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) says \u201cEveryone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives.\u201d When it says \u2018in the government, it means the government at various levels and the level of the province is most important in terms of devolution at present in Sri Lanka.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Article 21 (3) particularly says, \u201c<i>The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will\/shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures<\/i>.\u201d Without the \u2018will of the people\u2019 there is no proper authority for the provincial governments. To carry out this authority, there should be \u2018periodic and genuine elections.\u2019<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Not holding elections to the provincial councils is a violation of all these norms and principles by the UNF government. If there were ambiguities or differences about the electoral system, and the law pertaining to holding elections, four years since the assumption of government in January 2015, even without a proper majority at the beginning, is a fair enough time to sort out these matters. Not doing so is either utter incompetence or callous disregard for democracy and will of the people.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Dismantling of Provincial Councils?<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p>The term of the Northern Provincial Council expired in September 2018. Now what you have is direct Governor\u2019s rule however mild it could be. The last provincial council, C. V. Wigneswaran as the Chief Minister, was the only elected council for the province, for the last 32 years. When the first elections for the council was about to be held in September 2013, Lisa Curtis of The Heritage Foundation said the following.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>\u201c<i>Tomorrow, for the first time in 25 years, Sri Lanka will hold elections to its Northern Provincial Council, a step that could facilitate reconciliation between the country\u2019s majority (mostly Buddhist) Sinhalese and minority (mostly Hindu) Tamil populations<\/i>.\u201d<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>One may consider the statement to be too optimistic, but there was a significant truth in it. It is strange that the UN Human Rights Council or its High Commissioner has not noticed this aberration of human rights by not holding elections for the Northern Provincial Council<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 <\/span>for the last six months. Even a minister like Mangala Samaraweera, who pretend to be a champion of human rights, is mum about the matter. \u00a0<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Much worse is the case of the Eastern Provincial Council which had lapsed since September 2017, now for 18 months. Holding of elections for all other provincial councils is of similar importance because voting and elections are most treasured in people\u2019s political rights. It is important for reconciliation itself as Lisa Curtis hoped.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>The appreciation of devolution of power by the people in the South largely hinges on what they also receive as devolution. The considerable change of position on devolution by the JVP and certain sections of the SLFP depended largely on this factor. They opposed devolution at its introduction in 1987.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Repercussions of Not Holding Elections<\/b><\/p>\n<p>Not holding elections, arbitrarily fixing them, or postponing them can have major repercussions on political frustration, emergence of rebellion, conflicts and violence. Even the local government elections that were finally held in February 2018 were conducted only after 7 years to majority of the councils (322).<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Usual term of a local government institution is 4 years with the possibility of extending up to one year. The previous elections to these councils were held in 2011, and the terms expired in March 2015. Although the terms were extended to May 2015, since then all these were dissolved or dismantled. People in these areas were without local councils or peoples\u2019 representatives for nearly two years or 21 months.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>That was a major reason why the voters rebelled against the incumbent government, and its allies, and overwhelming supported a reconstituted new political party, Sri Lanka People\u2019s Front (SLPP), although under discredited old leaders. Similar political trends could be seen even in the North, going against the establishment and established political parties at the same elections.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>The situation in the North was more damaging than in the South without holding elections to local councils for a very long period of time. A major reason undoubtedly was the war situation, but even after that, for example, local elections were not held in the Mullaitivu district in 2011. Therefore by February 2018, the vacuum was so vast. <span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>When we look further back, not holding local government elections between 1977 and 1987, the ambiguous experiments of District Development Councils (DDC) coming in between, had major repercussions on the alienation, frustration and disillusionment of minority communities and the youth. More disastrous and despicable were the rigging of the DDC elections in Jaffna and burning of the Jaffna Library in 1981. <span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>It is true that populist parties can utilize election processes to consolidate their political powers as we could witness from the Rajapaksa government during 2005 and 2015. This happens particularly when the other political parties are backward, lethargic or out of touch with the people. This is also not a reason for those parties to postpone or not holding elections when they come into power. Unfortunately, this is exactly the situation at present. Polarization on ethnic or religious lines also could happen under such circumstances, extreme political rhetoric and programmes gaining currency.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Holding of elections to the provincial councils without delay is a must for national reconciliation and ensuring the most important political right of the people in general and all over the country. If not, more polarization could be seen in the coming period and particularly at the unavoidable presidential elections by the end of the year.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Present Measures on Reconciliation <span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p>There is no doubt that the present government has taken some important measures and steps towards national reconciliation in terms of addressing the past. (1) Release of the private land held by the military during the war to the original owners, (2) the establishment of the Office of the Missing Persons, and (3) the recent establishment of the Office on Reparation could be considered the most important three measures. However, addressing the current and the present requirements for reconciliation is also important. <span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>A draft on Counter-Terrorism Act is also now submitted to replace the existing Prevention of Terrorism Act (1978). There are serious concerns however that in certain areas, the proposed legislation could be more draconian than the existing one. If that is the case, it is a serious human rights issue that should be addressed. A concept paper has also been submitted to the Cabinet on a bill to establish a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the content of which is not yet known.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>It has to be admitted that even the previous government also took some measures, within their own point of view, in addressing some of the issues of the war affected and addressing the past. \u2018Rehabilitation, Resettlement and Reconstruction\u2019 or the three \u2018R\u2019s as they said were some of their pet topics. The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) was appointed within one year after the end of the war and the report was submitted within 18 months thereafter. But the implementation of the LLRC recommendations was terribly slow or hesitant. The present government is also slow although it has gone quite faithfully in line with the \u2018international community\u2019 in selecting measures and in implementing them. Most controversial has been the co-sponsoring of all the resolutions submitted in the UNHRC since the most questionable resolution 30\/1 in October 2015 drafted by the US.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><b>Conclusion <span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/p>\n<p>The question is whether the above line of strategy would facilitate reconciliation in the country or trigger more controversies, if not future conflicts? Slow implementation or vacillations have already frustrated many sections of the Tamil community. Some are undoubtedly asking for the \u2018pound of flesh.\u2019 It is almost 10 years since the end of the war. What we have seen recently at UNHRC is the second rollover.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>There is also a strong opinion that the UNHRC resolutions are more of \u2018black mailing\u2019 a strategically important small country than genuinely addressing human rights or reconciliation issues. It could be a combination of both. There is an apparent alignment between certain sections of the present government and those who execute this international strategy. A clear slant of all of them is a thrust against the previous government or the present opposition. <span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>But to any independent observer, reconciliation requires the participation of all stakeholders, representatives of all communities, and political parties. Otherwise, it is not going to be sustainable. A major mistake of this government in their reconciliation strategy has been the side-lining of the representatives of the last government or the Joint Opposition.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p>As we have argued from the beginning, most important at present is the holding of provincial council elections without any further delay.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p> [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":26,"featured_media":92325,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,46,8],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-200468","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-colombotelegraph","category-constitutional-reforms","category-editorial"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v26.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>Not Holding PC Elections: Implications For Human Rights &amp; 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