{"id":215507,"date":"2020-12-26T10:49:21","date_gmt":"2020-12-26T05:19:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=215507"},"modified":"2020-12-30T03:05:13","modified_gmt":"2020-12-29T21:35:13","slug":"notes-on-an-opposition","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/notes-on-an-opposition\/","title":{"rendered":"Notes On An Opposition"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Uditha Devapriya<\/a> –<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Uditha Devapriya<\/p><\/div>\n

Champika Ranawaka<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Ignazio Silone is reported to have told Palmiro Togliatti, the Italian Communist Party leader, that \u201cthe final struggle will be between the communists and the ex-communists.\u201d It\u2019s not too much to claim that in Sri Lanka the final struggle will be between the nationalists and the ex-nationalists. The Communists claim the ex-Communist has betrayed his conscience. The ex-Communist claims the Communists have betrayed his ideals. In the end the ex-Communist, branded a heretic, turns into a renegade. It happens with nationalists also.<\/p>\n

Our ex-nationalist seeks for himself the comfort of the two major parties, and like the ex-Communist who finds himself branded a traitor if he joins the Party of the Right, he finds his credentials questioned if he joins our Party of the Right, the UNP. Tilak Karunaratne did that in 2004<\/a>. Now the UNP, the Party of the Propertied, has split into two wings, an old rightist and a new reformist. Tilak Karunaratne\u2019s successor is Champika Ranawaka. Two weeks ago he left the party of the ex-nationalists, the Jathika Hela Urumaya, to join Sajith Premadasa\u2019s Samagi Jana Balavegaya. The Hela Urumaya is history, for now.<\/p>\n

Before getting to Champika, it is imperative to shed a few myths about the JHU. For a decade and a half, from 2000 to 2015, the rallying call of the left-liberal intelligentsia was that the JHU was tribalistic. Left-liberals adduced JHU opposition to fundamentalist Islam and Christian evangelism, in that order, as evidence for their view. Thus long before the Bodu Bala Sena, the JHU became known as the party of chauvinists. When it fielded monks in parliament in 2004, the left-liberals argued the legislature was not a proper place for monks. Omalpe Sobitha Thera\u2019s protest fast against the P-TOMS in 2005 and Athuraliaye Rathana Thera\u2019s march to Mavil Aru in 2006 merely heightened their opposition to it.<\/p>\n

Yet their characterisation of the JHU as tribalistic belied two facts. One, support for the JHU cut across party lines. Two, membership of the JHU also cut across party lines.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

The JHU\u2019s origins can be traced to the Sinhala middle-class\u2019s ambivalent run-ins with the Jayewardene, Premadasa, and Kumaratunga regimes. While the open economy enriched a Sinhala middle bourgeoisie, it fuelled antipathy towards minorities wielding economic power. Jayewardene\u2019s policies did little to address this antipathy, and even Premadasa, despite the wide support he enjoyed among even the clergy, could not assuage it.<\/p>\n

Yet neither of them went as far as Kumaratunga in dismantling the state, historically seen as the official patron of Buddhism. From 1977 to 1990, W. D. Lakshman observed in 2010, \u201cthe role of the state sector remained significant and powerful.\u201d The first Kumaratunga presidency rolled back not only the economy but also that \u201csignificant and powerful\u201d sector, contributing to if not enhancing a cultural critique of neoliberalism<\/i> among ranks of a disgruntled Sinhala middle-class who hailed from the SLFP and the UNP; they would later find their home in the Sihala Urumaya and the Hela Urumaya. Their attitude to the role of the government is rather interesting, because in a very big way it explains the contradiction at the heart of the Sinhala nationalist movement: it offered resistance to neoliberalism and the internationalisation of the war from a cultural angle, but it failed to do so from an economistic angle<\/i>.<\/p>\n

This largely explains the Sihala Urumaya\u2019s bizarre economic ideology. In its 2000 Manifesto, the SU rejected a closed economy while rejecting neoliberalism, acknowledging that while \u201cgoing back to a closed economy\u201d was \u201cunthinkable\u201d, it would nevertheless avail itself \u201cof the opportunities thrown up by globalisation.\u201d Viewed this way, even Nalin de Silva\u2019s campaigns against Coca-Cola at the Kelaniya University in the 1990s seems to me more a cultural than a political attack on globalisation. Not surprisingly, it shows how Sinhala nationalists can oppose free markets while criticising the Sirimavo Bandaranaike reforms on the grounds that those reforms destroyed the \u201cSinhala businessman.\u201d Indeed, the SU explicitly opposed that<\/i> kind of reform: Tilak Karunaratne once told Aratuwa<\/i><\/a> that they were \u201cnot of the opinion that the public sector must control industry and business.\u201d This confirms my thesis that as far as their stance on the economy is concerned, Sinhala nationalism differs very little if at all from the dominant UNP and post-Chandrika SLFP paradigm. Today it seems to have made the transition from a petty bourgeois to a more bourgeois framework. The credit for this transition must certainly go to the Sihala Urumaya, and the Hela Urumaya.<\/p>\n

All this, however, is secondary to my point.<\/p>\n

My point is that Patali Champika Ranawaka\u2019s departure from the Jathika Hela Urumaya had to happen; it really transpired five years ago, when he joined the UNFGG. In a context where Sinhala nationalism has become a product of the very parties it ends up opposing on cultural grounds, it should come to no surprise when its most fervent stalwarts return to those parties as renegades. Champika\u2019s departure in that sense was an acknowledgement of the fact that as far as this kind of nationalism is concerned, he has no future.<\/p>\n

Champika\u2019s departure also reveals his political acuity. As Uvindu Kurukulasuriya pointed out four months ago<\/a>, he is the last of the old aspirants to the presidential throne. As Nalin de Silva pointed out last week<\/a>, when compared with him even Sajith Premadasa seems trivial. The latter remark should be taken as a tribute by Champika\u2019s most implacable ideological foe to his potential, no matter how begrudgingly it has been made.<\/p>\n

It is true that Champika\u2019s journey has taken him from the path of Sanwardanaye Thunveni Yamaya<\/i> to that of expedient political practice. And yet, I find myself wishing him well. I do so because while Mahinda Rajapaksa\u2019s rise remains the most groundbreaking political act in recent times, Champika\u2019s resurgence within the SJB smacks of a possible sequel to it. Will he have Sajith Premadasa at his side? Will he be content being at Sajith Premadasa\u2019s side? More importantly, will he nationalise (i.e. \u201cSinhalise\u201d) the Opposition?<\/p>\n

EconomyNext<\/i> headlines its report on his departure from the JHU thus: \u201cChampika seeks to shed his Sinhala-Buddhist cloak<\/a>.\u201d Of course he has to<\/a>, if he is to expand vertically (to gain non-Sinhala non-Buddhist voters within Colombo) and horizontally (to gain Sinhala voters outside Colombo). Yet he doesn\u2019t crave for the SJB: he wants to see whether it will become \u201ca truly democratic institution.\u201d Is he throwing down a gauntlet there? Perhaps.<\/p>\n

Ignazio Silone died in 1978. By then a new generation of leftists and liberals disillusioned by the Communist dream had turned to the Right, reneging on their radical roots and forging new alliances with conservatives. They would later be called neoconservatives; their icon would be Henry Jackson. Michael Harrington used the term for the first time to denigrate his friends on the Left who had abandoned the Communist ship. Now the thing with Champika Ranawaka is that while he has \u201cneo-conned\u201d the Sinhala Buddhist nationalists, he has done so without, as of yet, abandoning the Sinhala Buddhist nationalist ship<\/i>.<\/p>\n

Uncorking the Sinhala Genie<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Looking back, I\u2019d say that 2020 brought about an inevitable political paradigm shift, in both camps<\/i>. Ranil Wickremesinghe may or may not have betrayed his elitist credentials when he called Maithripala Sirisena \u201ca decision I don\u2019t regret\u201d (ironically right before the constitutional fracas of 2018), but the massive failures of the Sirisena-led yahapalana administration (real and perceived) didn\u2019t merely push Ranil out, it propped Sajith Premadasa up. Quoting Dayan Jayatilleka, \u201cthis was a long time coming\u201d, specifically a quarter-century coming. Premadasa, to his credit, managed to pick up what was left of a lifeless cadaver of a party and revive it at the grassroots. Not bad for an outfit (the SJB) that had just three four months to combat the virus and government propaganda in time for the August election.<\/p>\n

2020 did something else, and although I\u2019m sure it had to come sooner or later I often wonder whether it\u2019s what the country needs right now. In corking the Ranilist-neoliberal genie in the UNP, the Sajith faction uncorked the populist genie from the SJB. Now it\u2019s true that there\u2019s more than one kind of populism and Premadasa\u2019s kind may well be, as Dr Dayan argues, more pluralist than what the government has to offer. Yet it is populist, receptive to Sinhala Buddhist nationalism. Dr Dayan noted not too long ago that the main difference between the JVP and the SJB was that the JVP criticises the government and the SJB competes with it. Which is more viable in the Opposition, he asked. The answer is obvious, but all the same I wonder: in emulating its Sinhala nationalist theatrics (whether or not pluralistically), has the SJB done more than just compete with the government?<\/p>\n

Premadasa\u2019s genie-uncorking uncorked another genie. It is not a coincidence that Champika Ranawaka, the b\u00eate noire<\/i> of the UNP a decade ago and the b\u00eate noire<\/i> of the Rajapaksas now, chose to make his exit from the Jathika Hela Urumaya on the 17th death anniversary of Gangodawila Soma Thera. You\u2019ll remember, the JHU came to power on the massive wave of grief, anger, and nationalist resurgence that Soma Thera\u2019s passing away unleashed. That Ranawaka mentioned Soma Thera in his post-exit speech<\/a> (which did not impress Victor Ivan as he makes it clear in his DailyFT column last week<\/a>) indicates that as far as his ideals are concerned, he has left the JHU without abandoning the Sinhala nationalist ship that brought his party to parliament in 2004 and made him Minister in 2007.<\/p>\n

Now the question to ask here is whether Premadasa\u2019s genie-uncorking, worked twice over in less than a year, will work against him in the event of Ranawaka vying for the presidency in 2024. In record time, the man has got together with Shiral Lakthilaka to form his own brigade \u2013 called \u201c43 Senanankaya\u201d or \u201c43 Front\u201d \u2013 and declared he will not join the SJB unless it becomes a democratic institution. This is strange. Everyone knows that the SJB under Premadasa is not, by the standards of political parties here, undemocratic; in fact given the support some of its own MPs gave for the 20th Amendment, one can say it\u2019s too<\/i> democratic. What explains Ranawaka\u2019s challenge, then? What does it bode for Premadasa?<\/p>\n

The answer lies in the results of the August election. Champika Ranawaka ran a glossed over and well publicised campaign among a young Sinhala middle-class within Colombo and its suburbs. Just weeks before the election I attended a Q&A organised by his supporters; while I was impressed by what he had to say, I was more intrigued by the preponderance of a young Sinhala middle-class in the hall. I spoke with some of them; they made it clear to me that as far as the parliamentary polls were concerned, they saw Ranawaka, not Premadasa, as their preferred anti-Rajapaksa candidate for 2024.<\/p>\n

What happened weeks later, of course, hardly needs retelling. Ranawaka ended up running second to last behind Mano Ganesan, clinching barely one-fifth of what Premadasa got. The SJB vote as far as Colombo went trifurcated, between the Central Colombo bloc (SP), the professional suburban bloc (Harsha de Silva), and the non-Sinhala bloc (S. M. Marikkar and Mujibur Rahuman, the latter of whom, in case you do not remember, spoke out against Ranawaka in 2008 over a remark he made about Sri Lankan Muslims being \u201coutsiders\u201d). The Sinhala vote, mostly middle-class, went the SLPP-SLFP way. For the young Sinhala crowd mulling around him, not even better-than-expected party results could compensate for the disappointment of trailing behind the last guy by a margin of 3,000.<\/p>\n

That disappointment has not let go. It has arguably got stronger with the passing of the 20th Amendment; after all the Opposition MPs who voted for it were, barring Diana Gamage, from minority parties, one Rauf Hakeem\u2019s and the other Mano Ganesan\u2019s. The Champika project gained ground there because of, and not despite, the government\u2019s cooption of a section of the SJB, and because its supporters, angry at their leader\u2019s inability to crack a whip on his MPs, has turned to a nationalist moderniser to up the government\u2019s ante. It\u2019s too soon to tell whether Ranawaka will crack a whip on the Premadasa faction, but for now all that needs to be said is this: as Mangala Samaraweera acerbically put it last week<\/a>, many in the Opposition are decrying Gotabaya while fighting to get into his shoes. Samaraweera did not, of course, mention who he was referring to, but I\u2019m certain it wasn\u2019t (only) Sajith.<\/p>\n

A little aside: Harsha de Silva<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

In 2015 after the new government came into power, Harsha de Silva, then Deputy Minister of National Policies and Economic Affairs and UNP Electoral Organiser for Kotte, alleged that the Kotte Municipal Council had gone bankrupt under its Chairman Janaka Ranawaka. I will let de Silva\u2019s words speak for themselves<\/a>: \u201cThe Chairman and his Deputy awarded contracts and took bribes, but none of the projects ever took off. Ranawaka had authorised the illegal construction of a number of buildings, and now they cannot be completed as they are not in line with regulations… we found out that 12 floors was the maximum height of a building allowed down such a narrow road.\u201d<\/i> Then came his pledge: \u201cIf I find a UNP in the Kotte MC is corrupt, I will not hesitate to show him the door and sack him.\u201d<\/i><\/p>\n

It\u2019s a tribute to Harsha\u2019s honesty, decency, and efficiency that despite the constraints under which he had to work, he got the job done. As a \u201ccitizen\u201d of Kotte myself \u2013 at least until 2004 \u2013 I realise that successive governments have sacrificed the historical, archaeological, and cultural value of the area to haphazard development initiatives. That is something I hope the SLPP\u2019s man, Madhura Vithanage, will try to avoid. But I digress. This is not about Harsha, really. It is about Ranawaka, against whom indictments were filed by the Attorney-General at a time when Harsha was serving as a Non Cabinet Minister.<\/p>\n

In 2018 a Presidential Commission of Inquiry recommended that criminal charges be filed against Ranakawa (for \u201cmassive corruption\u201d) and that he should not hold public office any longer. Harsha was particularly emphatic on the latter point. His concern was legitimate and it remains so now. But that was two years ago. Janaka Ranawaka later joined the SLPP. He did not secure enough votes last August. He then got out of the SLPP.<\/p>\n

Today Ranawaka has crossed over to Sajith Premadasa and the Samagi Jana Balavegaya. A man accused of \u201cmassive\u201d corruption, who as his critics implied ran his electorate to the ground, is now on the side of the people who tried to run him<\/i> down. De Silva cannot forget what he said five years ago. Obviously, neither can we. Janaka Ranawaka may or may not be innocent of the crimes for which he has been charged, but the UNP didn\u2019t give him the benefit of the doubt then. Why should the SJB give him that benefit now?<\/p>\n

I say this for two reasons. One, Harsha is an honest man, and I note that without the irony of an Antony pondering Caesar\u2019s grave. He is one of the few MPs whom I\u2019ll call genuine any day; after all he is the author of the most effective project that got done by his administration, Suwa Seriya. Two, and more importantly, selectivity will not remain a vice of a government if the Opposition indulges in it too. This is to be avoided at all costs<\/i>.<\/p>\n

The great reformist illusion has always been that the Opposition must not be criticised, that it must be allowed to criticise. I am not a reformist. I am a realist. And as a realist, I believe that if the Opposition is to mount a campaign of honesty, decency, and candour, it must get over its selectivity. This message is not only for Harsha or Champika. It is for the Opposition and it is for the government. It is for everyone. It must be heeded. At once.<\/p>\n

*The writer can be reached at udakdev1@gmail.com<\/i><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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