{"id":218664,"date":"2021-05-01T19:09:49","date_gmt":"2021-05-01T13:39:49","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=218664"},"modified":"2021-05-04T22:20:21","modified_gmt":"2021-05-04T16:50:21","slug":"chelva-the-patriarch-of-a-persecuted-people","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/chelva-the-patriarch-of-a-persecuted-people\/","title":{"rendered":"Chelva \u2013 The Patriarch Of A Persecuted People"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Karikalan S. Navaratnam<\/a> \u2013<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Karikalan S. Navaratnam<\/p><\/div>\n

44<\/b><\/span>th<\/sup><\/b><\/span>\u00a0 <\/span>Death Anniversary of S.J.V. Chelvanayakam was on 26<\/b><\/span>th<\/sup><\/b><\/span> April 2021<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Mr. S.J.V. Chelvanayakam<\/span><\/a> (Chelva) passed away on 26<\/span>th<\/sup><\/span> April 1977. He was born in <\/span>Ipoh, Malaya (now, Malaysia) on 31st March 1898. He was one of the founding <\/span>fathers of Ilankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi <\/i>(ITAK), which spearheaded the Tamils\u2019 <\/span>struggle against persecution and majoritarian oppression by successive <\/span>pan-Sinhala governments in Ceylon (now, Sri Lanka ). ITAK\u2019s prime political <\/span>objective was to secure regional autonomy for the Tamil-speaking habitats of <\/span>Northern-Eastern Provinces<\/span> under a Federal structure of government. For this <\/span>reason ITAK was also called \u2018the Federal Party\u2019 <\/i>(FP), mainly by the media and the <\/span>Southern politicians. Chelva was the father figure and the moral force of the <\/span>campaign for freedom from Sinhala suzerainty.\u00a0 <\/span>Since he epitomised the core <\/span>values of the Tamil crusade for freedom, equality and justice, Chelva was \u2013 and is <\/span>still – adored by Eelam Tamils and the global Tamil fraternity as \u201cThanthai Chelva<\/i>\u201d. <\/span><\/p>\n

1947-General Election<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

At the 1947 General Elections Chelva was elected as M.P. for Kankesanthurai <\/span>(KKS) electorate from the All Ceylon Tamil Congress<\/i> (ACTC) Party, led by\u00a0 <\/span>G.G. <\/span>Ponnambalam\u00a0 <\/span>(GGP). GGP himself was elected M.P for Jaffna. That was the <\/span>maiden General Election held under the Soulbury Constitution and the ACTC,\u00a0<\/span>with 7\u00a0 <\/span>M.Ps emerged as the main mouthpiece of \u2018Ceylon\u2019 Tamils while the <\/span>Ceylon-Indian Congress (later, in 1950, rechristened as \u201cCeylon Workers <\/i><\/span>Congress\u201d<\/i>) led by Mr. S. Thondaman, with 7 M.Ps, remained the sole <\/span>representative voice of the hill-country Tamils\u00a0 <\/span>(\u201cMalayaha<\/i>\u201d Tamils).<\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

S.J.V. Chelvanayakam<\/p><\/div>\n

New Masters!<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

On 4<\/span>th<\/sup><\/span> February 1948, Ceylon attained \u2018independence\u2019. It was only a changing of <\/span>the guards \u2013 rather, the masters.\u00a0 <\/span>Sinhala Leaders, utilizing their racial numerical <\/span>strength and exploiting the misplaced trust of Tamil leaders, assumed the role of <\/span>new masters and became the sole arbiters of the affairs of the country. In the <\/span>process, Tamils were relegated to live as second\/third class citizens. The \u2018blessed\u2019 <\/span>independence<\/i> had unleashed evil forces of ultranationalist ethnocrats who were <\/span>determined to brutalize the body politic of this country, maybe, till doomsday !.<\/span><\/p>\n

Legislative assaults<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Our first Prime Minister D.S. Senanayake, ostensibly called \u2018the Father of the <\/i><\/span>Nation\u2019<\/i>, had ulterior plans to politically eviscerate the ethnic Tamils. He started <\/span>off auspiciously with deadly legislative assaults on Malayaha<\/i> Tamils, rendering <\/span>about one million Tamils stateless. Three pieces of legislation, Ceylon Citizenship <\/i><\/span>Act of 1948<\/i>, Indian and Pakistani Residents (Citizenship) Act of 1949<\/i>\u00a0 <\/span>and the <\/span>Ceylon (Parliamentary Elections) Amendment Act of 194<\/i>9 effectively stripped the <\/span>Malayaha<\/i> Tamils\u00a0 <\/span>of their citizenship and franchise. As a direct consequence, their\u00a0 <\/span>seven M.Ps lost their seats overnight and, as a corollary, Sinhala representation in <\/span>Parliament increased by 7 additional seats. <\/span><\/p>\n

Advent of ITAK – Federal Party<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

When GGP, with his other M.Ps, struck a deal with D.S. Senanayake, accepted\u00a0<\/span>Ministries and supported these legislations in Parliament, two M.Ps \u2013\u00a0 <\/span>S.J.V. <\/span>Chelvanayagam and\u00a0 <\/span>C.Vanniasingham (Kopay M.P.) together with Dr. E.M.V. <\/span>Naganathan\u00a0 <\/span>(then, a Senator) protested against this betrayal and\u00a0 <\/span>broke away <\/span>from the ACTC. On 18 Dec. 1949, Chelva and his colleagues launched the ITAK\u00a0<\/span>(Federal Party) at the GCSU hall in Colombo. <\/span><\/p>\n

At this inaugural meeting, Chelva enunciated the ITAK vision for a Federal State: <\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cThis is then the solution that we ask for: a Federal constitution for Ceylon <\/i><\/span>consisting of an autonomous Tamil speaking province and an autonomous <\/i><\/span>Sinhalese province with a Central Government common to both. This is the <\/i><\/span>minimum provision necessary to prevent the smaller Tamil-speaking nation from <\/i><\/span>extinction, or of being absorbed by the larger nation\u2026\u2026<\/i><\/span> A federal constitution is <\/i><\/span>an ideal worthy of being achieved and works no injustice to anybody and certainly <\/i><\/span>not to the Sinhalese people\u2026…We have no misgivings about the difficulty of the <\/i><\/span>task ahead of us. The task must be done and can be done<\/i>.\u201d<\/span><\/p>\n

Gal Oya colonization<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Further, Chelva recounted the government\u2019s various measures which politically <\/span>debilitated the Tamils and posed an existential threat to them. He sounded an <\/span>alarm on state-sponsored Sinhala colonization under Gal-Oya scheme as the thin <\/span>end of the wedge. Tamils feared that Sinhala colonization would change the <\/span>demographic structure of Tamil areas and render them minorities \u2013an <\/span>endangered species \u2013 in their own habitats. The Gal-Oya project had its savage <\/span>spin-off: <\/span><\/p>\n

Gal Oya massacre<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

1956 Gal Oya massacre was the first organized slaughter of Tamils in independent<\/i> <\/span>Ceylon. Sinhalese colonists and Gal Oya Development Board employees <\/span>commandeered government vehicles, and weapons and went on a killing spree. <\/span>The carnage continued for five days, from 11 June 1956, claiming the lives of over <\/span>150 Tamils. Gal-Oya killings followed on the heels of another attack on Tamils in <\/span>Colombo on 5<\/span>th<\/sup><\/span> June.<\/span><\/p>\n

Chelva\u00a0 <\/span>defeated<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

At the 1952 General Election, the FP suffered severe defeat at the hands of the <\/span>ACTC, which was a UNP surrogate in the North. The pro-government \u2018Thinakaran<\/i>\u2019 <\/span>Tamil daily from Lake House carried the lead story in banner headlines: <\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cSamashdikku\u00a0 <\/span>Saavumani<\/i>\u201d (\u2018Death knell\u00a0 <\/span>for Federalism\u2019<\/i>). Even Chelva himself <\/span>lost his KKS seat to a UNP proxy S. Natesan, who was backed by ACTC. It was a<\/span>grim spectre for the fledgeling Federal Party. Mercifully for the FP, even in the <\/span>midst of dense darkness, there were two sparks that flashed across the Tamil <\/span>political firmament \u2013 one in the North and the other in the East. In Kopay\u00a0<\/span>electorate (North), sitting M.P.\u00a0 <\/span>Vanniasingam won by a narrow margin of 210 <\/span>votes and in Trincomalee (East), N.R. Rajavarothayam won by 586 votes. For <\/span>Chelva and his colleagues the die was cast, and there was no turning back.<\/span><\/p>\n

1956 Elections<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

At the 1956 General election, even as SLFP-MEP swept the polls in the South,\u00a0 <\/span>the <\/span>FP emerged victorious in North-East Provinces. Henceforth, until 2020, either the <\/span>FP or FP-led political configurations \u2013 be it the TULF or the TNA \u2013 remained the <\/span>dominant voice of the Tamils. (BTW<\/i>: Courtesy, Sampanthan-Sumanthiran-<\/span>Senathirajah troika\u2019s treacherous \u2018Yahapalanaya\u2019 cohabitation (2015-19), TNA <\/span>lost its clout by 2020) . <\/i>Tamil citizenry at large, cutting across partisan, regional or <\/span>religious barriers, pledged their loyalty to Chelva and accepted him as their sole <\/span>leader. It is to their credit, that they have resolutely remained as a secular nation. <\/span>Chelva had been a practising Christian and it was never an inhibiting issue for his <\/span>faithful flock \u2013 multitude of Hindus who constituted the majority of the Tamils. <\/span><\/p>\n

Galle Face \u2018Satyagraha<\/i>\u2019<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

In response to anti-Tamil measures introduced by ethnocratic rulers, the FP <\/span>organized resistance campaigns following the Gandhian creed. On 5<\/span>th<\/sup><\/span> June 1956 <\/span>when SWRD introduced the \u2018Sinhala Only\u2019<\/i> Bill in Parliament, FP conducted a <\/span>\u2018Satyagraha<\/i>\u2019 (Sit-in) protest on the Galle Face Green<\/i>, just across the (old) <\/span>Parliament building. Hundreds of them, including Chelva, other M.Ps, Rev.\u00a0<\/span>Father Thaninayagam and party volunteers were engaged in silent peaceful <\/span>protest. Even as armed police officers surrounded them and kept watch, scores of <\/span>hoodlums led by K.M.P. Rajaratne (Welimada M.P)\u00a0 <\/span>set upon them and beat them <\/span>up. The mob attacked the \u2018Satyagrahis<\/i>\u2019 with clubs, cudgels and stones and robbed <\/span>them of their money, rings, wrist watches etc. Chelva\u2019s\u00a0 <\/span>son Manoharan, a <\/span>bystander – who intervened<\/span> only<\/span> to help the \u2018battered and\u00a0 <\/span>bleeding\u2019 volunteers to <\/span>be taken to hospital \u2013 was pounced on and beaten up. Chelva remained stoically\u00a0 <\/span>silent watching the attacks on his son. A \u2018cannibal\u2019 from among the hoodlums had <\/span>bitten off a piece from the ear of a party stalwart, Chelliah,\u00a0 <\/span>from Thunnalai, <\/span>Karaveddy. Dr. E.M.V. Naganathan, attacked and stripped to his underwear, was <\/span>chased down to the Galle Face Hotel. Some volunteers were carried bodily and <\/span>dumped into the Beira Lake nearby. In full riot gear, the Police passively watched <\/span>the \u2018fun\u2019 !<\/span><\/p>\n

\u2018<\/span>Wounds of war\u2019<\/i><\/b><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Thereafter, the mob invaded the downtown area and embarked on a looting <\/span>spree attacking Tamil stores and business outlets. Parliament was in session <\/span>debating the \u2018Sinhala Only\u2019 <\/i>Bill. When Amirthalingam M.P. entered the chamber, <\/span>with a head bandage for injuries sustained during the morning attacks, Prime <\/span>Minister SWRD mockingly greeted him with the words, \u201cWounds of War<\/i>!\u201d.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201c<\/span>Emergency \u201858<\/i><\/b><\/span>\u201d<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

The 1958 (22-29 May) anti-Tamil pogrom executed by savage mobs in liaison with <\/span>rabid racist elements of \u2018Pancha Maha Balavegaya\u2019<\/i>, claimed the lives and limbs of <\/span>over a thousand Tamils, besides countless incidents of rape, arson and looting. <\/span>Award-winning journalist Tarzie Vittachi<\/i>, in his \u2018Emergency \u201958<\/i><\/b> \u2019<\/i> gives a detailed <\/span>account of the gruesome events. The gory incidents are too many and are too <\/span>distressing to recount here. While the carnage had deepened the division <\/span>between the Sinhala-Tamil communities, some articulate sections of Tamils <\/span>blamed the FP for their grief and losses. To Chelva, the brutal experience was <\/span>\u2018baptism by fire<\/i>.\u2019 Evidently, even in the shadows of despair Chelva had emerged <\/span>unscathed. Let\u2019s see what Tarzie Vittachi<\/i>\u00a0 <\/span>says:\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

\u201cOnly one shred of prestige still remained\u2014the indestructible reputation for <\/i><\/span>integrity that Federal Leader S. J. V. Chelvanayakam had earned. Even in the face <\/i><\/span>of such an overwhelming adversity, this reputation held.\u201d <\/i>( per Emergency \u201958<\/i> )<\/span><\/p>\n

Arrests & Detention<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

In the wake of the 1958 pogrom, the FP was proscribed and Chelva and <\/span>Dr. Naganathan were placed under House Arrest while the other M.Ps were <\/span>detained at Gall Face Hotel. Speaking of detention, in 1958\u00a0 <\/span>Chelva had served <\/span>two weeks jail term in Batticaloa jail for participating in the anti-Sri campaign. In <\/span>1961, when Mrs. Bandaranaike sought to intensify the exclusive use of Sinhala in <\/span>all areas of administration including as the \u2018Courts Language\u2019 throughout the <\/span>island, the FP launched a Civil Disobedience Campaign in protest. The \u2018Satyagraha\u2019 <\/span>which started on 20<\/span>th<\/sup><\/span> Feb. 1961 went on- I guess- for over three months, <\/span>paralysing the civil administration in North-East Provinces. On the 1<\/span>st<\/sup><\/span> day of <\/span>the campaign in front of the Jaffna Kachcheri, SP Arndt gave orders to his riot <\/span>squad: \u201cHammer them out<\/i>\u201d. Many satyagrahis<\/i>, including Amirthalingam, Dr. <\/span>Naganathan, and lawyer S. Nadarajah (later, a Senator) suffered severe injuries. <\/span><\/p>\n

Panagoda detention<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

The satyagraha<\/i> was broken up using brute force. Chelva and other participants <\/span>were arrested and detained in the Army Cantonment building at Panagoda. While <\/span>under detention, the government allowed Chelva to proceed to London for urgent <\/span>medical treatment. If I may strike a personal note, as a young student I have had <\/span>the privilege of being detained at Panagoda with Chelva and others. Previously, in <\/span>1958, I had also participated in the anti-Sri campaign and spent a day in Jaffna <\/span>police custody.<\/span><\/p>\n

Spartan life of a Q.C<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

In his heyday, Chelva was one of the leaders of the legal profession \u2013 had received <\/span>silk as a King\u2019s Counsel (since 1952, a Q.C.). As a civil lawyer he had a lucrative <\/span>practice, mostly pitted against legal luminaries like H.V. Perera K.C. in the Superior <\/span>Courts. Chelva had spent a fortune on party activities.\u00a0 <\/span>Perhaps, he was the only <\/span>Q.C. who had lived throughout in a rented house, in Colombo. I had seen him <\/span>commuting by CTB bus between Parliament and home. The introduction of <\/span>\u2018Sri<\/i>\u2019 vehicle numbers was in 1958. Until his last days, the only vehicle he owned <\/span>was an old CY or CN series car. An anecdote<\/i>: Chelva had a (Sinhala) driver working <\/span>for him for many years. The driver took pride in working for a VIP, driving him <\/span>around to meet VVIPs at high-end places. But, he had a nagging grudge \u2013 the poor <\/span>condition of the vehicle and his friends had been teasing him and making fun out <\/span>of it. He had brought it to the notice of Mrs. Chelva. But, his boss had dismissed <\/span>the complaint with a smile. <\/span><\/p>\n

Breach of faith<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

With a view to resolving the ethnic issue, Chelva had entered into solemn <\/span>agreements with successive Sinhala leaders, based on implicit trust. To his <\/span>dismay, they were unilaterally abrogated or abandoned by the government <\/span>leaders. It has always been a foul history of betrayal and breach of faith on the <\/span>part of Sinhala leaders. Bandaranaike-Chelvanayagam Pact <\/i>(1957), SLFP \u2013 FP\u00a0 <\/span>Understanding (1960), Dudley-Chelva Agreement <\/i>(1965) are typical examples. <\/span><\/p>\n

After 1960 (March) General Election, UNP formed a minority government under <\/span>Dudley. FP refused to support Dudley to stabilize his government. SLFP, under its <\/span>leader C.P. de Silva, asked for FP support\u00a0 <\/span>to form a government, promising to <\/span>revive and implement the BC Pact.\u00a0 <\/span>Chelva refused, saying, \u201cWe have lost <\/i><\/span>everything. Let\u2019s now save at least our honour.<\/i>\u201d However, he was ready to oust <\/span>the Dudley government and the understanding was that SLFP leaders would <\/span>address the Tamil issue on the basis of BC Pact, after a fresh election. Dudley <\/span>government was defeated in April 1960. By this time, Srimavo had got ready to <\/span>assume SLFP leadership. At the 1960 July Election SLFP won 75 seats and the FP <\/span>16 seats (in a House of 151 seats). Now that Srimavo had got enough seats to <\/span>cobble up a SLFP government of Sinhala nationalists, she ditched the SLFP-FP <\/span>talks, damned the Tamil demands and proceeded to strengthen her Sinhala base.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Trust deficit<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Thus, Sinhala leaders\u2019 treacherous traits were daunting. Their subsequent <\/span>manoeuvres seeking to wriggle out of the Indo-Sri Lankan Accord and dilute the <\/span>13A (after promising to provide for 13+), repudiation of Ban-ki-Moon -Mahinda <\/span>Joint Communique on Accountability, gimmicks at the UNHRC, brazenly reneging <\/span>on previous Geneva commitments etc. have created a miasma of distrust and has <\/span>gradually led to the trust deficit ever undermining Sinhala-Tamil relationship.<\/span><\/p>\n

Conclusion<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

From my teen years I have had the good fortune of personally associating with\u00a0<\/span>FP leaders \u2013 initially with Mr. C. Vanniasingam. He was the life-wire of the FP, <\/span>until his premature death at 47 (1959) . Dr. Naganathan had treated me like his <\/span>own son. Mr. Amirthalingam and other frontline leaders had treated me with lot <\/span>of affection. Aside from them, Chelva had a different, distinct personality. <\/span>By a fortuitous bond, I had come under the spell of Chelva. On several occasions I <\/span>had accompanied him to outlying areas for campaigns. When I was called to the <\/span>Bar, my friends organized a get-together at Wellawatte and Chelva had graced the <\/span>occasion with his presence and blessed me.\u00a0 <\/span>His sagely leadership, resolute spirit, <\/span>and selfless service for the emancipation of our people have carved out a niche <\/span>for him in the annals of Tamil history. His\u00a0 <\/span>political manifesto is still relevant <\/span>and defines the aspirations of the Tamils. From his heavenly abode, Chelva <\/span>continues to inspire his persecuted people.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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