{"id":225013,"date":"2022-01-18T04:49:35","date_gmt":"2022-01-17T23:19:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=225013"},"modified":"2022-01-25T06:29:32","modified_gmt":"2022-01-25T00:59:32","slug":"forcing-the-npp-into-invisibility-by-pushing-it-into-the-jvp-a-response-to-dayan-jayatilleka","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/forcing-the-npp-into-invisibility-by-pushing-it-into-the-jvp-a-response-to-dayan-jayatilleka\/","title":{"rendered":"Forcing The NPP Into Invisibility By Pushing It Into The JVP: A Response To Dayan Jayatilleka"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Nandaka Maduranga Kalugampitiya<\/a> –<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Dr. Nandaka Kalugampitiya<\/p><\/div>\n

In his recent article \u201cRed Viyathmaga: Can the JVP\u2019s 2022 Game-Plan Succeed?<\/a><\/span>\u201d published on Colombo Telegraph<\/em> (December 27, 2021), Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka<\/a><\/span> (DJ) presents two propositions and says that the JVP<\/a><\/span>\u2019s success depends primarily on which of those two \u201cthe majority of the country\u2019s citizens believe.\u201d Proposition A<\/strong> goes as follows: \u201cThough it could have done much better, Sri Lanka has done fairly well and better than many developing countries, for most of its life as an independent state. With all the ups and downs things were reasonably alright for the most part, until the present, aberrant administration of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa<\/a><\/span>, an aberrance best evidenced by the unprecedented, irrational policy on fertilizer which is ruining the agrarian sector.\u201d Proposition B<\/strong> reads: \u201cThe country has not experienced any real progress since 1948. The Open Economy was a mistake and has run its course. Provincial-level devolution of power is no solution to the problems of the Tamil people which can be ensured not by autonomy but by equal rights, non-discrimination and a different economic model. The two main democratic political parties\/blocs have failed the people. The system is rotten and must be replaced by a new, different one. The SJB is the UNP in a mask or is a \u2018shell company\u2019 for UNP policies and is therefore an organic part of the two blocs of old traditional, conventional parties. Both these blocs, the SLPP-SLFP and the SJB must be rejected and cannot be partners in the push for a new Sri Lanka. [T]he JVP and its ally the NFF is the sole possessor of the solution and is the sole solution.\u201d<\/p>\n

DJ\u2019s article, which no doubt offers a number of important insights into certain aspects of the present political situation in the country, presents the two propositions as self-evident ones. However, the article contains a few indicators that point to the subtext of the article, which calls into question the self-evident nature of those propositions. (DJ says, \u201cThe case for Proposition A is not self-evident,\u201d but the proposition itself has been presented as a self-evident one.) Firstly, the term NPP<\/a><\/span> appears only once in the entire article, which contrasts with the 21 times the term JVP appears in the same. At least 17 of those 21 mentions could easily have been replaced with \u2018NPP\u2019. Even the single mention of \u2018NPP\u2019 is tagged to \u2018JVP\u2019 in a manner that suggests the former is nothing but an extension of the latter. There is another reference in the article to the NPP, but the term used is JJB, which is the abbreviation of the Sinhala name of what NPP stands for. In a context where \u2018NPP\u2019 is the name by which the movement is widely being identified and gaining traction, and also the abbreviation \u2018JJB\u2019 is not really a term in the present political discourse, DJ\u2019s reluctance to use the term \u2018NPP\u2019 indicates his tendency to position the movement in question in a manner that pays no heed to how the movement positions itself and also the new political identity that is emerging in society. How could one expect a fair and reasonable assessment of the NPP in the context of this act of denial? (Let me add that much has been said in the field of language studies about how \u2018a rose by any other name is NOT a rose.\u2019)<\/p>\n

Secondly, having presented the two propositions, DJ says what could bring about change is \u201cnot an untested third party\u201d but \u201ca new mainstream party, with a new leader and a new ideology\u201d. It\u2019s clear that the \u2018untested third party\u2019 is the NPP, or as DJ would like to have it, the JVP. DJ lumps \u2018JVP\u2019 with UNP, SLPP, and also \u2018GR\u2019, where he says that the new mainstream party, which could bring change, is none of those. Yes, the JVP (to use DJ\u2019s terminology) is \u2018untested\u2019 as a ruling party. I remember how the UNP got Anura Bandaranaike to go on television in the final days leading up to the Presidential Election of 1994 and make the argument that Chandrika Kumaratunga should not be elected president on grounds that she was \u2018untested\u2019 and without experience. And I have read that the same argument was used against Sirimavo Bandaranaike when she entered politics following the assassination of her husband. Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika Kumaratunga may not fit the ideal leader image that many of us have in mind, but whether they fell significantly short of expectations compared to their counterparts with experience and also whether their failures could necessarily be attributed to their lack of experience are questions that are worth being asked. One could say that those cases are different from the NPP example in that although those two leaders were new to politics at the time they entered politics, they had experienced teams to help them\u2014teams that had been part of governments\u2014which is not the case with the NPP. This argument would have made sense had the reputation of the teams concerned been a positive one. I don\u2019t think there\u2019s any doubt in the minds not only of those who reject the mainstream parties but also those who still believe in those parties that the mainstream parties have fallen short of expectations, if not failed miserably, but still we somehow think that they are the way forward? We still believe in those parties to the point we do not want to give a new team a chance? At the same time, the world has seen numerous leaders who were relatively new to politics but who did well, but they somehow go unnoticed? The lack-of-experience argument overlooks the increasing tendency of professionals from various fields gathering around the new movement, but one would of course not notice it in a context of the very existence of the NPP is ignored.<\/p>\n

Thirdly, on a more substantive level, Proposition B, which has been identified as the one that people need to be on the side of in order for the \u2018JVP\u2019 to become successful in 2022, indicates a complete break from the existing system. It mentions \u2018a new economic model\u2019. In the context of the existing discourse on the JVP, the idea of a shift to a new economic model immediately makes one think of a shift as drastic and fundamental as from capitalism to socialism or even communism. Needless to say that the idea of such a shift generates numerous insecurities in the minds of the people, particularly of the expanding middle class. Interestingly, there is one key concept which one often hears being talked about on the NPP platform but which DJ conveniently ignores, and that is corruption. If there is one topic that the NPP leadership has repeatedly drawn the attention of the public to that is corruption. The NPP has made it clear that minimizing, if not eradicating, corruption is the necessary first step towards a lasting solution to the economic crisis and also many other crises. Now, one does not need to jump from capitalism to socialism to stop corruption. It is something that can be done within capitalism itself. In fact, as Sunil Handunneththi and a few other NPP leaders have pointed out in recent television and youtube interviews, corruption is a burden on capitalism and the eradication of corruption is a necessary precondition for capitalism to reach its goals. The NPP is talking about a system where the funds saved through the eradication of corruption is channeled into development projects and social security programmes. They have also identified the eradication of corruption as an important way of encouraging private sector investment. The point is if there\u2019s one system that stands to benefit from the eradication of corruption that is capitalism. When the situation is such, to continue to harp on the stale claim that the JVP, and by association the NPP, are all about this leap from capitalism to [demonized] socialism makes little sense. It should also be kept in mind that out of all the parties and movements of a national standing, the NPP is the only party\/movement that can speak against corruption with credibility. In such a context, the absence of any reference in DJ\u2019s article to the current discourse on corruption is worrying.<\/p>\n

Fourthly, and finally (for the present article), DJ implies that a general strike, something like the \u2018Harthaal\u2019 of 1953, is an inevitable part of the JVP\u2019s ascension to power. He also implies that such an approach would create a space in which a military intervention \u201cto restore order\u201d would be justified. It is a fact that the NPP, or the JVP, has not called a general strike in the country, nor have they even discussed it as a serious possibility on their platform. The only opposition party, which got people to take to streets against the government after the idea of regime change began to appear as a possibility, was the SJB, the very party that DJ appears to be making a case for. In fact, the NPP was criticized for not joining hands with the SJB in organizing the protests. It is true that the JVP has traditionally been associated with general strikes, but in a context where such a move has not been proposed, I\u2019m not sure how fair it is to brand the NPP-ers as \u2018Harthaalists\u2019.<\/p>\n

The NPP is an undeniable fact in the current political scene, and let\u2019s treat it as such.<\/p>\n

*The author is a Senior Lecturer attached to the University of Peradeniya<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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