{"id":227872,"date":"2022-06-25T23:23:23","date_gmt":"2022-06-25T17:53:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=227872"},"modified":"2022-07-02T22:51:46","modified_gmt":"2022-07-02T17:21:46","slug":"war-on-china-iv-rules-based-international-order-normalising-global-state-terrorism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/war-on-china-iv-rules-based-international-order-normalising-global-state-terrorism\/","title":{"rendered":"War On China? \u2013 IV: Rules-Based International Order: Normalising Global State Terrorism"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Sachithanandam Sathananthan<\/a> –<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Dr. Sachithanandam Sathananthan<\/p><\/div>\n

Barrelling Towards War<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The Indo-US strategic manoeuvres to snooker the Peoples Republic of China are unlikely to bear fruit under the UN-administered International Law Regime. The Russian Federation and PRC\u2019s veto in the UN Security Council are formidable obstacles to US ambitions to pursue the Brzezinskian Project for supremacy in Eurasia<\/a><\/span> and, ultimately, global domination. The Project foretells a war without end as nation after nation firmly resists US supremacy, as Russia is doing in Ukraine.<\/p>\n

Dr. Rosa Brooks, a Harvard, Oxford and Yale alumnus and Scott K. Ginsburg Professor of Law and Policy at Georgetown University Law Center, in her 2015 essay<\/a><\/span> \u201cThere\u2019s No Such Thing as Peacetime\u201d, elaborated that in the \u201cForever War\u2026[w]artime is the only time we have.\u201d Her views echo the 1932 assertions<\/span><\/a> of Benito Mussolini: \u201cFascism\u2026believes neither in the possibility nor the utility of perpetual peace. It thus repudiates the doctrine of Pacifism\u2026 renunciation [of war] is a sign of decay and of death\u201d. Brooks\u2019 position as an adjunct scholar at\u00a0West Point’s\u00a0Modern War Institute adds weight to her End of Peace narrative, which dovetails Francis Fukuyama\u2019s End of History Illusion<\/a><\/span>.<\/p>\n

President Jimmy Carter\u2019s Polish-American National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski drew inspiration from \u201cAdolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin [who] shared the assumption that Eurasia is the center of the world and that he who controls Eurasia controls the world\u201d (p.4). When he crafted strategies for the US to dominate the two Eurasian powers Russia and China in his 1997 The Grand Chessboard<\/em><\/a><\/span>, he posed the rhetorical question, \u201cwill America’s primacy in Eurasia endure?\u201d(p.4) And contended first, the US Empire\u2019s mastery over four crucial dimensions: military, economy, technology and culture (p.19) is unlike all previous empires \u2013 from ancient Roman, Chinese, Mongol and recent European Empires; and second, modern Capitalism is dynamic, innovative and ensures a flexible free market. The two conditions together, concluded Brzezinski, guarantee longevity of a stable US global primacy (p.160-61).<\/p>\n

Brzezinski\u2019s second contention apparently neglected John Maynard Keynes\u2019 1933 assessment drawn from The Great Depression of 1929: namely, western capitalism\u2019s dynamism is flagging, that it cannot self-generate full employment (Karl Marx had reached a similar conclusion earlier for different reasons) and, consequently, requires government intervention \u2013 deficit financing \u2013 to re-float the depressed economies. Regretting governments\u2019 \u201cloan-expenditure<\/a><\/span>\u201d to ensure full employment was hitherto disbursed for war, which entails considerable destruction and misery, Keynes asserted the same outcome could be achieved by funnelling the debt towards wages and salaries to recruit the unemployed and underemployed civilians to build public works, such as roads, bridges and parks. That approach does not compete with private capital\u2019s investment opportunities while the additional incomes generated by deficit expenditures would raise aggregate demand, attract competitive capital to expand consumer goods production and boost labour absorption. President Franklin D. Roosevelt resorted to consumer Keynesianism beginning with the 1933 CCC (Civilian Conservation Corps) in his New Deal. Although 2.5 million men were employed between 1933 and 1943<\/a><\/span>, the expected economic rejuvenation did not fully materialise.<\/p>\n

Keynes was not wrong to assume competitive capital may respond to a deficit spending stimulus. However, he neglected the psychology<\/em> of entrepreneurs: they are reluctant to make long term investments based on the short-term<\/em> enhancement of purchasing power (aggregate demand), as during the New Deal. He was also blindsided by monopoly capital<\/a><\/span> that increasingly dominated core sectors while pushing competitive capital to the economy\u2019s margins. Monopoly capital is far less responsive to consumer Keynesianism; that is, it does not increase output and employment commensurate with the deficit spending stimulus. The US government fell back on war expenditure \u2013 military Keynesianism<\/a><\/span> \u2013 to build up to WWII and<\/em> to reach full or near-full employment.<\/p>\n

By 1939 \u201cThe Cynical Mr. Keynes\u201d<\/span><\/a> adjusted the theory. In his BBC radio address \u201cWill Re-armament Cure Unemployment?\u201d, he \u201cpredicted<\/a><\/span> the permanent war economy as a silver lining to war when he announced that \u2018if expenditure on armaments really does cure unemployment, I predict that we shall never go back all the way to the old state of affairs. . . . Good may come out of evil\u2019.\u201d NATO\u2019s industrial governments continued debt-financed defence activity during the military campaigns in Korea, Vietnam, Kampuchea, Laos, Nicaragua, Somalia, Gulf (1990s) and the Global War on Terror (2001 onwards). Their permanent reliance on war to push up employment levels is further evidence of structural impediments to economic growth and, probably, of relative decline.<\/p>\n

As the national debt spiralled upwards, restricting competitive capital\u2019s space to grow, the State took up the slack. Towards the end of WWII, in 1944, Walter J. Oakes identified \u201ca war economy<\/a><\/span>\u201d in which \u201dthe government\u2019s expenditures for war (or \u2018national defense\u2019) become a legitimate and significant end-purpose of economic activity\u201d. Defence funding \u201cnot only goes to giants such as Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman but also filters through subcontractors and supportive nonmilitary firms and organizations to influence \u2018professional and business services, financial, information and administrative services, retail trade, leisure and hospitality services, education and health services, construction, and other manufacturing\u2019\u201d \u2013 a process that rapidly petrified the war economy into the \u201cpermanent war economy<\/a><\/span>\u201d. In it, \u201cthe private economy becomes increasingly intertwined with the state. The result is a\u00a0bloated corporate state and a\u00a0less dynamic private economy, the vibrancy of which is at the heart of increased standards of living. In undermining the market, the permanent war economy ultimately stifles<\/a><\/span> the process of wealth creation\u201d, leading to stagflation<\/a><\/span> of differing severities since the mid-1970s that did not \u201ccure unemployment\u201d, as Keynes had hoped.<\/p>\n

Consequently, the dynamism of Capitalism and the flexibility of free market that Brzezinski expected would guarantee longevity of a stable US global primacy are shaky at best; and his first contention is hardly plausible. The four conditions that enabled its rise are unique to the US Empire and may have enabled its unipolarity in the two post-USSR decades. However, history reveals that unique conditions catalysing the rise of each empire contain within them seeds of its decline and decay.<\/p>\n

The self-proclaimed US\u2019 mastery of the military dimension, despite the resort to robotic warfare, is questionable at the very least in the light of the unmitigated debacles in Afghanistan (2021) and Iraq (2009). They rooted even more deeply the Vietnam Syndrome \u2013 the public\u2019s opposition to US boots on the ground in foreign wars \u2013 and have compelled the US intelligence to prosecute a proxy war in Ukraine.<\/p>\n

The gradual degrading of competitive capitalism\u2019s dynamism into monopoly capitalism\u2019s stagflation, brought stunningly to the fore during the 2008 Depression, the simultaneous deepening of the US Permanent War Economy and growing market rigidities on account of the spreading Military-Industrial Complex may indicate the US Empire\u2019s unique internal<\/em> conditions for decline \u2013 sensed as the End of Exceptionalism<\/a><\/span> by Jeffrey Sachs and Cataclysmic Decline<\/a><\/span> by Oliver North \u2013 are very likely maturing in keeping with the Laws of History. The recent defiance by several Latin American countries at the Summit of Americas<\/a><\/span> is a further pointer to the US\u2019s weakening grip, in this instance over its so-called \u201cbackyard\u201d.<\/p>\n

The US\u2019 Permanent War Economy threw up its corresponding superstructure, the Permanent War State<\/a><\/span> that evidently seeks to fabricate a global legal framework, the \u201cRules-Based International Order\u201d, under its control to administer the Forever War.<\/p>\n

Rules-Based International Order (<\/strong>RBIO<\/a>)<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

Readers may wonder on whose rules<\/em> but most US administration officials propelling the RBIO are of little help; they are not forthcoming on whether the \u201cRules\u201d refer to the International Law Regime under UN auspices. If not, which \u201cRules\u201d?<\/p>\n

The US Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken elaborated<\/a><\/span> on RBIO during his 7,310-word address \u2013 \u201cThe Administration\u2019s Approach to the Peoples republic of China\u201d \u2013 at the George Washington University on 26 May 2022.<\/p>\n

* He explained the \u201crules-based international order\u201d as \u201cthe system of laws, agreements, principles, and institutions\u201d built after the two World Wars.<\/p>\n

He avoided<\/em> mentioning the UN multilateral framework by name.<\/p>\n

* He asserted Russia\u2019s Ukraine operations are \u201cweakening the international order\u201d and that China\u2019s alleged \u201cunlawful maritime claims in the South China Sea\u201d is a \u201cserious\u2026challenge\u201d to the international order.<\/p>\n

Again he does not clarify whether the \u201corder\u201d is an RBIO or the UN\u2019s International Law Regime.<\/p>\n

Blinken seems to not recollect his own country\u2019s 28 (twenty eight) US military interventions<\/a><\/span> between 1948 and the present that egregiously violated the existing International Law.<\/p>\n

* Blinken claimed the US has \u201cput diplomacy back at the center of American foreign policy, to\u2026defend and reform the rules-based international order.\u201d<\/p>\n

Lofty aims indeed. One would logically expect the US to desist from further undermining International Law and return to the UN to \u201creform\u201d the existing International Law Regime, but would be sorely disappointed. He spoke vaguely of modifying \u201ca<\/em> system\u201d.<\/p>\n

Could he have the nebulous RBIO in mind?<\/p>\n

* US welcome \u201ccompetition \u2013 on a level playing field.\u201d Therefore Blinken ought be encouraged that world powers China and Russia, with India and Brazil close behind, are propelling the world towards multipolarity, levelling the international playing field and opening up space for more equal competition between nations.<\/p>\n

However, he insinuated there is \u201ceconomic coercion and intimidation\u201d, by an un-named China and Russia; that they are taking unfair advantage of democratic multipolarity to vitiate the competitive environment US allegedly fostered under its overwhelming unipolarity. He then stands reality on its head to imply a retreat to unipolarity under US diktat will ensure a level playing field.<\/p>\n

Does he view the proxy war in Ukraine to neutralise Russia and war preparations against China in the East as paths back to unipolarity?<\/p>\n

Is he moving the goal posts because competitiveness of US industry is falling behind China\u2019s?<\/p>\n

In this context Alison\u2019s \u201cThucydides Trap\u201d, Brooks\u2019 End of Peace \u201ctheory\u201d and Blinken\u2019s alleged defence of a non-existent RBIO are strategies to psychologically condition the US and EU populations that this time round the wars are winnable.<\/p>\n

The peoples enjoying the historically strong socialistic or extensive welfare policies in the EU and particularly in the Scandinavian countries tend to resist the psychological conditioning. However, their elites who depend on the US market for their exports and US-led NATO\u2019s umbrella for security have inveigled most people, who are still in doubt, to fall in line behind the intervention in Ukraine. The democratic forces are mounting a moral challenge to the corporate media\u2019s propaganda that demonises Russia and China. They are struggling to raise awareness among people that China is not an existential threat, that China\u2019s assistance is crucial to combat global crises, such as the looming environmental catastrophe, nuclear disarmament and poverty alleviation. And the people are listening.<\/p>\n

Reading between the lines Washington\u2019s palpable intention is to emasculate Collective Security under UN\u2019s International Law Regime by extending US laws to other sovereign nations in the guise of an RBIO. More dangerously, it is an anti-democracy manoeuvre to apparently enforce an RBIO through NATO\u2019s military machine upon the current Eurasian challengers, Russia and China, and thereafter on the rest of the Globe.<\/p>\n

Many will no doubt recollect how Nazi Germany too viewed the Collective Security approach of the multilateral League of Nations as a constraint on its lunge towards war to carve out its Third Reich<\/em> (Empire). The archives of the United States Holocaust Museum holds evidence of Germany\u2019s gambit: \u201cAdolph Hitler\u2019s foreign policy aimed at establishing a European Empire for Germany through war\u2026The Geneva Disarmament Conference, beginning in 1932, sought to avoid another European War by negotiating a reduction in armaments. Hitler repudiated this effort by withdrawing Germany from the conference in October 1933. At the same time, he rejected<\/a><\/span> collective security in international affairs by withdrawing from the League of Nations. Instead, Nazi Germany embarked on a vast military construction programme.\u201d Berlin contended<\/a><\/span> it must re-arm to achieve parity in military power as an indispensable precondition for peace: \u201cGermany is ready at any time to conclude continental non-aggression pacts for long periods to serve European peace and cultural reconstruction,” provided military parity was accepted as “an inalienable condition for Germany’s participation in internal institutions and agreements.”<\/p>\n

Hitler insisted on reaching military parity as a cover to ratchet up rearmament to achieve two objectives. First, since private capital was incapable of resuscitating the depression-ridden German economy, he boosted arms production to pull the economy up by its military bootstraps. Second, he sought military dominance to rule over the quarrelsome European nations and draw their vast colonial possessions, especially the energy-rich ones, under the imperial umbrella of his Third Reich<\/em> to be followed by the conquest of the USSR and, presumably, the rest of Eurasia thereafter. Hitler ideologically justified his ambition by conjuring up the illusion of a Thousand-Year-Reich<\/em><\/a><\/span> as necessary to win peace through war.<\/p>\n

The US Neoconservatives<\/a><\/span> William Kristol and Robert Kagan formed the Project for the New American Century (PNAC<\/a><\/span>) in 1997 \u2013 the same year Brzezinski published his Chessboard<\/em>; they and their associates<\/a><\/span> (Richard Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld) too chased after a similar mirage: of establishing a global Pax Americana supposedly under US\u2019 \u201cbenevolent hegemony\u201d, through the 21st<\/sup> Century. They urged<\/a><\/span> \u201cthe U.S. must play a leading role in the world, affirm its values without apology, and recommend them to all mankind.\u201d If other nations are not wise enough to appreciate US\u2019 \u201cidealistic tradition\u201d, then \u201cthe quarter of a trillion dollars in our annual Pentagon [1997] budget is no trifling sum\u201d.<\/p>\n

They are driven by the fear of rising Asia, that the illusion of a New American Century is vanishing fast and the 21st<\/sup> Century is likely to be the Asian and, more precisely, the Chinese Century. The global political-economic centre of gravity resided in Asia largely between the two most prosperous economies of India and China for more than two millennia. Marco Polo did not travel to Amsterdam, he went to China; Vasco da Gama visited India, not France; and Christopher Columbus sailed in search of India, by-passing Britain. The Dual Revolutions \u2013 the British Industrial and French Political Revolutions \u2013 and the growth of European Empires logically shifted the global focus to Western Europe little more than two centuries ago. Equally logically the rise of India and China is returning the global centre of gravity back to Asia.<\/p>\n

The total white populations in major NATO countries \u2013 US (156.22m), Canada (27.97m), UK (57.99m), The Netherlands (13,332,463), Germany (73.14m), France (59.02m), Italy (57.27m), Spain (39,618,652) and Portugal (9,634,592) \u2013 is 494.22 million or about 6.28% out of the total global population of 7.86 billion. The dominant white political classes, estimated as an approximately 12% minority, is 59.30 million or 0.55% of the global population; they are equivalent to 1.97% of the combined populations of Russia, China and India, which together contain about 3 billion. The (0.24%) US elite\u2019s hubris is premised mainly on the possession of nuclear weapons and pervades the Brzezinskian Project for global domination.<\/p>\n

The dominant political classes wish to prevent the wheel of history from returning the global political-economic centre of gravity to Asia. Their economies\u2019 structural rigidities do not allow them to learn from the successes of Scandinavia\u2019s market\/welfare economic systems. Instead they are stampeding their respective populations by drumming up China and Russia as immediate threats to economic growth and full employment in their own countries to mask the economic system\u2019s irreversible structural weaknesses as well as justify the lunge towards war to block the rise, primarily, of the economically and technologically more successful China.<\/p>\n

Is the United Nations going the same way as the League of Nations?<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

The Neoconservatives\u2019 goal of entrenching US\u2019 \u201cbenevolent hegemony\u201d seeped into successive administrations. They contrived to vitiate the UN\u2019s multilateral institutions that stand in the way of untrammelled exercise of US Absolutism (euphemistically, \u201cExceptionalism\u201d). Its damaging influence persists in President Trump\u2019s disdain for the inter-governmental UN framework that has disturbing overtones to Hitler, bent on war, devaluing the League of Nations\u2019 role in promoting collective security. Some US politicians urged the country should quit the UN<\/span>,<\/a> a \u201csupranational entity\u201d, they claim, has \u201cviolated the US Constitution, such as the implementation of the International Court of Justice and the Law of the Sea Treaty, both of which the United States does not currently endorse.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Neoconservative influence deepened US unilateralism: the Trump administration rescinded<\/a><\/span> the INF (Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces) Arms Control Treaty with Russia in August 2019 to free the M-I Complex to develop and test a new generation of weapons including cruise missiles, evidently as a step towards \u201cMaking America Great Again\u201d.<\/p>\n

In February 2021 Germany and France (the latter stubbornly holds on to colonial territories by subsuming them within \u201cOverseas France<\/a><\/span>\u201d) organised the Alliance for Multilateralism<\/a><\/span> alleging the existing UN \u201cmultilateral order based on the respect of international law is weakened\u201d. They assert the Alliance seeks to salvage the UN International Law Regime while, in an Orwellian turn, manoeuvring to side-line, and perhaps atrophy, the same multinational legal framework by foisting an alternative \u201cinformal alliance of countries that are convinced that multilateralism founded on respect for international law is the only reliable guarantee for international stability and peace and that the challenges we are facing can only be solved through cooperation.\u201d This implies that countries outside the charmed Alliance, including Russia and China, do not sufficiently respect international law.<\/p>\n

However, the vast majority of UN\u2019s member-countries firmly challenge the NATO elite\u2019s machinations and are committed to preserving and strengthening their existing multilateral institutions. For instance, the people-centred World Political Parties Virtual Summit<\/a><\/span>, convened by China in July, is mobilising worldwide opinion and support to protect the (endangered) UN multilateral framework.<\/p>\n

President Joe Biden in turn convened the December, 2021 Virtual Summit for Democracy<\/a><\/span>. The \u201cTime\u201d magazine, no friend of Russia or China, condemned the Summit as \u201cthe height of hypocrisy<\/span><\/a>;\u201d for favouring States that pay obeisance to US power as \u201cdemocracies\u201d and excluding those that challenge it as \u201ctotalitarian<\/a><\/span>\u201d. At the risk of exaggeration, the Biden-defined \u201cDemocracies\u201d are perhaps not dissimilar to Hitler\u2019s sprachraum<\/em><\/a><\/span> (linguistic region) of German-speaking minorities.<\/p>\n

President Joe Biden raised a RBIO in the context of the confrontation with the PRC during his address to the UN General Assembly\u2019s 76th<\/sup> Session in September 2021, while ignoring the existing International Law Regime. President Xi Jinping, speaking at the same venue, swiftly and unequivocally rejected<\/a><\/span> the US manoeuvre to sidestep the UN framework: \u201c[t[here is only one system in the world, and that is the international system with the United Nations at its core. There is only one order, and that is the international order based on international law. There is only one set of rules, and that is the basic norms of international relations based on the purposes and principles of the UN Charter.\u201d<\/p>\n

Previous posts<\/p>\n

War on China? \u2013 I<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

War on China? \u2013 II<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

War on China? \u2013 III<\/a><\/span><\/p>\n

[Next: A \u201cCarnival\u201d of Quads]<\/p>\n

*Dr Sachithanandam Sathananthan is an independent researcher who received his Ph.D degree from the University of Cambridge. He was Visiting Research Scholar at the Jawaharlal Nehru University School of International Studies and taught World History at Karachi University\u2019s Institute of Business Administration. He is an award-winning filmmaker and may be reached at: commentaries.ss@gmail.com<\/a><\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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