{"id":231848,"date":"2023-03-17T15:13:44","date_gmt":"2023-03-17T09:43:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=231848"},"modified":"2023-03-28T20:28:21","modified_gmt":"2023-03-28T14:58:21","slug":"jvp-npp-lankan-left-populisms-lacunae-lapses","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/jvp-npp-lankan-left-populisms-lacunae-lapses\/","title":{"rendered":"JVP-NPP &#038; Lankan Left Populism\u2019s Lacunae &#038; Lapses"},"content":{"rendered":"<p class=\"p1\"><span style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><b>By <a style=\"color: #ff6600;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?s=Dayan+Jayatilleka\">Dayan Jayatilleka<\/a><span class=\"Apple-converted-space\"> &#8211;<\/span><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<div id=\"attachment_144849\" style=\"width: 160px\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" aria-describedby=\"caption-attachment-144849\" class=\"size-thumbnail wp-image-144849\" src=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2015\/05\/Dayan-Jayatilleka-150x150.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"150\" height=\"150\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2015\/05\/Dayan-Jayatilleka-150x150.jpg 150w, https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2015\/05\/Dayan-Jayatilleka-50x50.jpg 50w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 150px) 100vw, 150px\" \/><p id=\"caption-attachment-144849\" class=\"wp-caption-text\">Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka<\/p><\/div>\n<p class=\"p1\">Many months \u2013perhaps even a year &#8211;ago, I was so positively struck by a television performance by <span style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><a style=\"color: #ff6600;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?s=Ramindu+Perera\">Ramindu Perera<\/a><\/span> that I wanted to know more and inquired about him from my friend at the Open University, Dr. Mahim Mendis, who said good things about his young colleague. I am not surprised therefore that <span style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><a style=\"color: #ff6600;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/the-npp-factor-rise-of-left-wing-populism-in-sri-lanka\/\">he has produced an intelligent and literate explanatory defence of the JVP-NPP<\/a><\/span>.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">This is not the time for quibbling so I shall not venture a critique of what he has written. Instead, I shall use this opportunity to seek to constructively advance the discussion beyond the point he has left it. <span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">He defines the <span style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><a style=\"color: #ff6600;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?s=NPP\">NPP<\/a><\/span> project as \u2018Left populist\u2019, a term which is very familiar to us at least from the writings of Laclau and Mouffe. He also mentions several parallels and precursors internationally. As one who has been advocating a \u2018left populist\u2019 project for years, I am disinclined to nit-pick about whether or not the JVP-NPP fits the bill.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">At the moment and in its current incarnation, it is indeed the closest we have to a \u2018left populist\u2019 project. Its competitor the <span style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><a style=\"color: #ff6600;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?s=SJB\">SJB<\/a><\/span>, which its founder-leader identifies as social democratic, would be as approximate \u2013and as loose&#8211; a fit for the labels \u2018progressive populist\u2019, \u2018moderate populist\u2019 or \u2018populist centrist\u2019, as the JVP-NPP is for \u2018left populist\u2019. But that\u2019s the deck of cards we have.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">The points I seek to make are different, and may be said to boil down to a single theme or problematique.<\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\"><span class=\"s1\" style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><b>NPP\u2019s Distorted Left Populism<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">My argument is that the JVP-NPP is as distant from \u2018left populism\u2019 globally as it was from \u2018left revolutionism\u2019 globally in an earlier incarnation. In both avatars, it is unique in its leftism but not in a positive or helpful way for its cause at any given time.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">Mine is not intended as a permanently damning indictment. It is intended as a constructive criticism of a rectifiable error, the rectification of which is utterly urgent given the deadly threat posed by the Wickremesinghe administration and its project of dependent dictatorship.<\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">The JVP-NPP has a structural absence that no \u2018left populist\u2019 enterprise, especially in Latin America, has ever had.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span>It is an absence that has marked the <span style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><a style=\"color: #ff6600;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?s=JVP\">JVP<\/a><\/span> from its inception and has been carried over into the present NPP project.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">It is not an absence unique to the JVP but figures more in Sri Lanka than it has almost anywhere else. I say this because the same \u2018absence\u2019 characterized the <span style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><a style=\"color: #ff6600;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?s=LTTE\">LTTE<\/a><\/span> as well. In short, that factor or its radical absence has marred the anti-systemic forces of South and North on the island. <span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">The homeland of left populism has been Latin America while its second home has been Southern Europe. With the exception of Greece it may be said that \u2018left populism\u2019 has an Ibero-American or culturally Hispanic character, which some might trace to the \u2018romanticism\u2019 of that culture. But such considerations need not detain us here. \u2018Left populism\u2019 has had several identifiable sources and points of departure: the former guerrilla movements of the 1960s and 1970s; the non-guerrilla movements of resistance to dictatorships; parties and split-offs from parties of the Marxist left; left-oriented split-offs or the leftwing of broad flexible even centrist populist formations; leftwing experiments from within the militaries etc.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\"><span class=\"s1\" style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><b>Populism, Pluralism &amp; Unity<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">Despite this diversity, all experiments of a Left populist character in Latin America and Europe, have had one thing in common: various forms of unity \u2013 e.g., united fronts, blocs etc.\u2014of political parties. I would take up far too much space if I were to list them, starting with the Frente Amplio (which means precisely \u2018Broad Front\u2019) initiated by the Tupamaros-MLN of Uruguay and containing the Uruguayan Communist party and headed by a military man, General Liber Seregni, in 1970. The Frente Amplio lasted through the decades of the darkest civil-military dictatorship up to the presidential electoral victories of Tabar\u00e9 Vasquez and Mujica respectively. Another example would be El Salvador\u2019s FMLN, which brought together several Marxist guerrilla movements into a single front under the stern insistence of Fidel Castro.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">Though the roots of unity were back in the 1970s, the formula has only been strengthened in the 1990s and 21<span class=\"s2\"><sup>st<\/sup><\/span> century projects of Left populism. There is a theoretical-strategic logic for this. The polarization of \u2018us vs them\u2019, the 99% vs. the 1%, the many not the few\u2014in socioeconomic terms\u2014is of course a hallmark of populism, as Ramindu Perera has noted. But he is unaware of or omits its corollary, everywhere from Uruguay to Greece and Spain. Namely that socioeconomic \u2018majoritarianism\u2019 is not possible with a single party as agency.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">When the JVP and the NPP have the same leader, and the JVP leader was the founder of the NPP, I cannot regard it as a truly autonomous project, but a party project. Left populism globally, from its inception right up to Lula last year, is predicated on the admission of political, not just social plurality, and the fact that socioeconomic, i.e., popular majoritarianism is possible only as a pluri-party united front, platform or bloc.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">This recognition of the imperative of unity as necessitating a convergence of political fractions and currents; that unity is impossible as a function of a single political party; that authentic majoritarianism i.e., \u201cus\u201d is possible only if \u201cwe\u201d converge and combine as an ensemble of our organic political agencies, is a structural feature of Left Populism.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">It is radically absent in the JVP-NPP and has been so from the JVP\u2019s founding in 1965. It was also true of the LTTE.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">It is this insistence on political unipolarity (to put it diplomatically) or political monopoly (to put it bluntly) is a genetic defect of the JVP which has been carried over into the NPP project.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">I do not say this to contest the leading role and the main role that the JVP has earned in any left populist project. I say it to draw the Gramscian distinction between \u2018leadership\u2019 and \u2018domination\u2019. Only \u2018leadership\u2019 can create consensus and popular consent; domination through monopoly cannot.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">The simple truth is that however \u2018left populist\u2019 you think you are; no single party can be said to represent the people or even a majority \u2013 as distinct from a mere plurality&#8211; of the people. Furthermore, the people are not a unitary subject, and therefore cannot have a unitary leadership. This is the importance of Fidel Castro\u2019s insistence to the Latin American Left of a \u2018united command\u2019 which brings together the diverse segments of the left by reflecting plurality.<\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">Anyone who knows the history of Syriza and Podemos knows that they are not outcrops of some single party of long-standing but the result of an organic process of convergences of factions.<\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">Had the JVP had a policy of united fronts \u2013 within the Southern left and with the Northern left&#8211; it would not have been as decisively defeated as it was in its two insurrections, and might have even succeeded in its second attempt. Though it has formed the NPP which has brought some significant success, it is still POLITICALLY sectarian in that it has no political alliances, partnerships, i.e. NO POLITICAL RELATIONSHIPS outside of itself. And I must emphasize that I am not speaking of the SJB, though if this were Latin America, that would definitely be on the agenda of discussion.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\"><span class=\"s1\" style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><b>Post-Aragalaya Left<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">Let us speak frankly. The most important phenomenon of recent times (since the victorious end of the war) was the <span style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><a style=\"color: #ff6600;\" href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?s=Aragalaya\">Aragalaya<\/a><\/span> of last year. The JVP, especially its student front the SYU, participated in that massive uprising which dislodged President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, but it played a less decisive role in the Aragalaya than did the FSP and the IUSF which is close to it. This is by no means to say that the FSP led the Aragalaya, but to point out that it played a more decisive role \u2013 which included some mistakes&#8211; than did the JVP.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">How then does one remain blind to the fact that the JVP-NPP\u2019s \u2018left populism\u2019 does not include the FSP and by extension the IUSF? How can there be a \u2018popular bloc\u2019 \u2013 a key element of left populism\u2014without the IUSF? Given that Pubudu Jayagoda, Duminda Nagamuwa, Lahiru Weerasekara and Wasantha Mudalige are among the most successful public communicators today (especially on the left), what kind of \u2018left\u2019 is a \u2018left populism\u2019 devoid of their presence, participation and contribution?<\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">What does it take to recognize that unity of some sort of these two streams of the Left could result in a most useful division of labour and a quantum leap in the hopes and morale of the increasingly left-oriented post-Aragalaya populace, especially the youth? Surely the very sight of a platform with the leaders of the JVP-NPP and the FSP-IUSF (AKD and Kumar Gunaratnam, Eranga Gunasekara and Wasantha Mudalige, Wasantha Samarasinghe and Duminda Nagamuwa, Bimal Ratnayake and Pubudu Jayagoda) will take the Left populist project to the next level?<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\">As a party the JVP from its birth, and by extension, the NPP today, have set aside one of the main weapons of leftist theory, strategy and political practice: the United Front. Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Dimitrov, Ho Chi Minh, Mao Zedong and Fidel Castro have founded and enriched this strategic concept. It is difficult to accept that Rohana Wijeweera and Anura Kumara Dissanayake knew\/know better, and that the JVP-NPP can dispense with this political sword and shield and yet prevail&#8211;or even survive the coming storm.<span class=\"Apple-converted-space\">\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p class=\"p1\"><span style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><strong><em>*Dr Dayan Jayatilleka is author of The Great Gramsci: Imagining an Alt-Left Project, in \u2018On Public Imagination: A Political &amp; Ethical Imperative\u2019 eds Richard Falk et al, Routledge, New York, 2019.<\/em><\/strong><\/span><span class=\"Apple-converted-space\"><span style=\"color: #ff6600;\"><strong><em>\u00a0<\/em> <\/strong><\/span>\u00a0\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p> [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":38,"featured_media":204231,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,46,8,2375],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-231848","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-colombotelegraph","category-constitutional-reforms","category-editorial","category-stories"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v26.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/wordpress\/plugins\/seo\/ -->\n<title>JVP-NPP &amp; 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