{"id":233756,"date":"2023-08-28T17:59:07","date_gmt":"2023-08-28T12:29:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=233756"},"modified":"2023-09-11T00:14:41","modified_gmt":"2023-09-10T18:44:41","slug":"shanis-release-state-accountability","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/shanis-release-state-accountability\/","title":{"rendered":"Shani’s Release & State Accountability"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Firdous MHM<\/a> –<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Firdous MHM<\/p><\/div>\n

In recent times, the release of\u00a0Shani Abeysekera<\/a><\/span>, the former intelligence chief, has sparked jubilation across social media platforms. The legal proceedings surrounding his case have evolved into a captivating and dramatic spectacle.<\/p>\n

It is a widely recognized fact that, under the current constitution of Sri Lanka, incidents akin to the arbitrary arrest and detention of intelligence chief Shani by the executive branch are not isolated events. Sri Lanka has witnessed a longstanding tradition of arbitrary arrests and unlawful detentions dating from the post-colonial era to the present day. This practice has ensnared individuals from all walks of life, including former prime ministers, presidential candidates, Supreme Court judges, governors, parliament members, senior military and intelligence officers, prominent lawyers, esteemed doctors, renowned journalists, religious leaders, foreign nationals, and countless ordinary citizens. There is no discernible category of citizens that has been exempt from such arbitrary actions by the government. These detentions persist until the government’s concealed or overt illicit objectives are achieved, after which these individuals are released and acquitted.<\/p>\n

Paradoxically, despite decades of this custom, there appears to be no legal initiative challenging this norm, and there is an evident absence of judicial or academic activism aimed at enlightening the public regarding the constitutional nature of the government. The Sri Lankan constitution shields the government from being held accountable for its actions or inaction. This impunity is consistently reinforced by the judiciary. Regrettably, according to the Sri Lankan constitution, it is not the judiciary’s role to demand responsibility and accountability for the government’s actions and inactions.<\/p>\n

Instead of demanding redress from the government for these arbitrary arrests and unlawful detentions and holding the government accountable for these transgressions, attention often shifts to praising the legal representatives handling such cases and commending the judiciary for releasing those who were unjustly detained. However, the regrettable truth remains that for several decades, up to the present day, neither the judicial institutions, legal academia, nor journalists seem inclined to question the government’s evasion of responsibility and accountability for its actions and inactions.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Sometimes, one might ponder whether this reluctance within the legal community to challenge the actions of the executive branch of government is due to a deep-seated constitutional subservience of the judicial branch to the executive branch. Alternatively, one might also question whether judicial officers and legal scholars lack the capacity to comprehend how all three branches of government, as established by the constitution, can function without a clear system of responsibility and accountability. It could even be a combination of these judicial and academic limitations.<\/p>\n

*Firdous MHM is an academic specializing in constitution, law, and economy. He can be reached via <\/i><\/b>mhmfirdous@hotmail.com<\/i><\/b><\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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