{"id":235855,"date":"2024-02-22T14:00:27","date_gmt":"2024-02-22T08:30:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=235855"},"modified":"2024-03-04T01:51:42","modified_gmt":"2024-03-03T20:21:42","slug":"on-decriminalizing-fantasies-pinkwashing","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/on-decriminalizing-fantasies-pinkwashing\/","title":{"rendered":"On [De]criminalizing Fantasies & Pinkwashing\u00a0"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Chamindra Weerawardhana<\/a> –<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Dr. Chamindra Weerawardhana<\/p><\/div>\n

What is a time-tested truism when it comes to any form of colonization? A deep desire to exercise maximal control. The British imperial project, for example, was full of many structures and laws that were precisely meant at reaching this objective – controlling the lives of the colonized, to the best possible extent. Sex-segregated school systems, developing a herd mentality among the local populace, brutal repression of resistance movements, ecocide, genocide, indentured labour, the denigration of centuries-old local languages, literatures, and knowledge systems \u2013 to name but a few \u2013 were among the strategies they deployed everywhere in their empire. In many countries, it goes without saying that we are still grappling with the long-term consequences of this highly exploitative project.<\/p>\n

One aspect where this desire to exert control was more manifest than ever was when it comes to bodily autonomy. Roots of the severe restrictions on access to safe and legal terminations of pregnancy, legal provisions that criminalize sexual orientations that are not cis-heteronormative, and the institutionalization of a deeply patriarchal apparatus of governance were all part of this venture. In Sri Lanka, long-standing efforts to make progressive change have met with repeated roadblocks. These too are part of the enduring legacy of the colonial project. Although we gained dominion status back in 1948, the system remained, and we replaced the British officials with a local political class that one could contend was even more committed than the British to maintain the oppressive and exploitative colonialist systems in place. This political class has since been playing dangerous games, of igniting ethno-nationalist antagonisms and destroying progressive political movements. While this is not a place to discuss the social class, caste, and politico-economic fault lines of this political class, suffice to note that it continues to be one that is extremely arrogant and intolerant of anyone that challenges its power base.<\/p>\n

In the last four decades of Sri Lankan history, one salient feature of our politics has been its near-irreparable drift to populist politics. Be it in the form of anti-Tamil rhetoric in the 1980s [Jaffna Library, Black July and more], the continuation of armed hostilities in the 1990s, political developments of the first half of the 2000s that paved the path for those of the second half of that decade [Mullivaikkal 2009, front-and-center rights violations, Sinhala chauvinist fantasies peaking et al], failed politicking of the 2010s [Sirisena saga leading to the Gotabaya R presidency via Easter Sunday bombings, the advent of the SLPP etc.], we have been [and continue to be] neck-deep in a brand of politics that can only be described as extremely toxic, racist, majoritarian nationalist, casteist, classist, and disgustingly misogynist. The left, or whatever is left of it, too has been quite complicit in this drift [e.g. the JVP-CBK coalition of the early 2000s, the JVP\u2019s endorsement of a retired military man\u2019s candidacy at the 2010 presidential election].<\/p>\n

The late Dr bell hooks, a Black feminist theorist and visionary, aptly described the overall socio-political system of the USA [and indeed the rest of the neoliberal world order] as the imperialist capitalist white supremacist cis-heteropatriarchy. This conceptualization is very helpful when making sense of Sri Lankan politics. This writer would describe the conundrum of Lankan politics \u2013 briefly summarized in the previous paragraph \u2013 as the workings of the imperialist neoliberal capitalist Sinhala-Buddhist-nationalist cis-heteropatriarchy [INCSBNCH]. Taking stock of the fact that we operate in a system of this nature is an absolutely crucial first step to any political movement, social justice movement, or for that matter human rights advocacy initiative that seeks to work towards progressive change. The extent to which such initiatives seek to challenge, rattle, and dismantle the INCSBNCH will determine their overall impact.<\/p>\n

The best thing that can happen to Sri Lankan politics right now is the left [as in, all hues of the left] coming to terms with this imperative of challenging, defying, resisting, disobeying, and working towards dismantling the INCSBNCH. There is evidence that at varying degrees, efforts in this direction are in progress – the only silver lining we can all be hopeful of.<\/p>\n

Social justice and human rights initiatives simply cannot afford to ignore these broader political realities and act in a vacuum. The ongoing efforts in Sri Lanka to \u201cdecriminalize homosexuality\u201d is a fine example of such inanities. To put things in a nutshell, no rights movement can sustain itself by piggybacking a political establishment that embodies and thrives on the INCSBNCH. If they do so [in the specific case of LGBT+ rights], it waters down to a keyword – pinkwashing. It also waters down to the weaponization of the said rights movement. Certain elements in the Sri Lankan political establishment – to give but one example – tend to bring rights issues to the fore for targeted purposes – such as the March Human Rights Council session, if and when Sri Lanka makes it to its agenda.<\/p>\n

There is no question that the Penal Code of Sri Lanka, just like similar legislative structures and strictures in other Commonwealth member states, requires reform. Any legal provision that infringes the right to bodily autonomy and fundamental freedoms] have no place in a lawbook. However, such initiatives should be strategized carefully. Courting a political establishment that is inherently homophobic, socially conservative, deeply misogynist, racist, and exclusionary, and assuming that such an establishment would facilitate LGBT+ human rights in any shape or form, can only be described as a delusional and politically bankrupt move.<\/p>\n

The safer, smarter, and most meaningful route is one of positioning all human rights advocacy initiatives and very especially, intersectional feminist initiatives, as integral components of social and political movements that have one core objective: challenging, and actively working towards dismantling the INCSBNCH, one brick at a time.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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