{"id":242755,"date":"2025-07-27T06:50:06","date_gmt":"2025-07-27T01:20:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=242755"},"modified":"2025-08-04T01:21:03","modified_gmt":"2025-08-03T19:51:03","slug":"reflections-on-sri-lankas-education-reforms-the-discourse-around-them","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/reflections-on-sri-lankas-education-reforms-the-discourse-around-them\/","title":{"rendered":"Reflections On Sri Lanka\u2019s Education Reforms & The Discourse Around Them"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Athulasiri Samarakoon<\/a> –<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Dr. Athulasiri Kumara Samarakoon<\/p><\/div>\n

Scratching the Surface or Radically Overhauling? Reflections on Sri Lanka\u2019s Education Reforms and the Discourse Around Them<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Dr. Harini Amarasuriya<\/a><\/span>, as Minister of Education, has introduced a set of reforms that have quickly become the subject of much controversy. At the same time, the government has expressed its desire to build broad consensus on the reforms, including through dialogue with political parties. President Dissanayake, speaking in Parliament recently, emphasized this point. But education is no ordinary topic in Sri Lanka. It is emotionally charged, politically sensitive, and socially critical. For most Sri Lankan families, education<\/a><\/span> remains the single most trusted pathway for children to transcend economic and social boundaries and \u201cbecome somebody\u201d in life.<\/p>\n

At a glance, the education system continues to function as a channel to produce credentials for a limited set of elite occupations. Professions like medicine, engineering, law, and management still dominate the public imagination. However, only a small fraction of students reaches these professions, while the vast majority exit the system without employable skills or any real orientation to the country\u2019s service-heavy, under-industrialized economy. There is also a serious disconnect between what students are taught and the demands of the actual job market, especially in agriculture and vocational sectors, which are neglected and under-resourced.<\/p>\n

What\u2019s more worrying is how the system continues to uphold a singular vision for success\u2014government jobs, especially those with white-collar status. It is high time we go beyond this narrow idea of education, which currently leads most students through thirteen years of schooling only to leave them with a certificate and few real options. The current setup is an extremely competitive one, designed to eliminate the weak and reward only the highest scorers. From the Grade 5 scholarship exam through O\/Ls and A\/Ls, students face non-stop pressure to perform. In fact, only about one percent of those who enter Grade One in public schools make it to university. This alone shows how unequal the race is.<\/p>\n

The Grade 5 scholarship exam, once introduced to help bright students from underprivileged backgrounds enter better schools, has become an intense competition. Likewise, the O\/L examination has turned into a gateway for a tuition-driven industry. In reality, there is now a parallel private education system that runs from Grade One to A\/Ls. It includes tuition classes, private coaching, and a range of supporting services. While the 1939 Free Education Ordinance continues (implemented in 1945) to be celebrated as a national milestone, public education in practice is far from free today. Families invest heavily in tuition and related costs to make their children survive the brutal race for marks.<\/p>\n

This article does not focus much on the table of curriculum changes presented by the Ministry of Education, even though many parliamentarians and experts have expressed their views on it. Rather, it questions the lack of a clear, comprehensive, and consultative approach to reform. Many have demanded a White Paper to lay out the government\u2019s vision. Yet, the Ministry has shown little interest in preparing such a policy document. This is surprising and disappointing, especially given Minister Amarasuriya\u2019s long-standing engagement with free education, her admiration for the Kannangara reforms, and her critical stance on neoliberal education models. She and her team at the National Institute of Education (NIE) should first focus on preparing a well-researched and nationally discussed White Paper or education policy that addresses the philosophical foundations, structural shortcomings, and strategic direction of education reform.<\/p>\n

A proper policy document should reflect clarity on several areas, such as the long-term goals and values of education, the role of critical thinking and civic education in the curriculum, the place of AI and digital skills, teacher recruitment and welfare, vocational and skills-based education, higher education and research policy, language rights and inclusivity, decentralization of school governance, funding strategies for equity, and regulation of both the private sector and tuition industries. Without such a framework, public presentations or briefings remain incomplete and vulnerable to misinterpretation or politicization.<\/p>\n

Stakeholders from multiple sectors have already voiced their concerns and suggestions. Some are motivated by a genuine desire to improve education in Sri Lanka. Others approach the issue with political opportunism or cynicism. Among the more thoughtful critics are those who view education as a civilizational mission. For instance, Professor Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri argues that History must remain a compulsory subject, as it helps build civic consciousness and imagination. Such arguments have also been taken up by nationalist political actors who accuse the government and the Minister of downplaying Sri Lanka\u2019s historical heritage, especially its majority-centered cultural identity.<\/p>\n

Similar debates have emerged over aesthetic education. Various academics and arts educators have protested the decision to keep aesthetics as an optional subject beyond Grade 9. They insist that arts education is crucial for producing a well-rounded citizen, not just a worker for the market. On the other hand, another set of critics\u2014mainly technocratic and business-oriented voices\u2014insist that ICT and STEM subjects must be given top priority. Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa, for example, has questioned why ICT is not a compulsory subject from Grade One onwards. These debates reveal a deeper confusion over the purpose of education in the country\u2014whether it is about creating citizens, building a workforce, or shaping national identity.<\/p>\n

President Dissanayake himself raised serious concerns about the inequalities among schools. Approximately 15 percent of schools have fewer than 100 students. These include under-resourced schools in rural and plantation sectors, where students often have limited access to proper facilities or trained teachers. Mano Ganesan has pointed out how plantation sector schools have always been neglected. For students in these regions, education is not only less accessible but also less meaningful when basic needs are unmet.<\/p>\n

Another significant and often under-discussed aspect of the reform process is the role of the tuition industry. At the end of last week, the Minister met with leaders of tuition teacher unions, who represent a powerful and politically influential voice. In fact, some tuition teachers actively campaigned for the NPP and even sought parliamentary nominations. The tuition industry today is a multi-billion-rupee enterprise, employing thousands of teachers, assistants, content creators, printers, and managers. Its reach and influence are undeniable.<\/p>\n

During the meeting, the Minister clarified several points. The government does not plan to regulate tuition classes at this time. Tuition teachers were assured representation in the new Education Council, and they were invited to attend the upcoming Parliamentary Committee discussions. The Minister confirmed that national schools will not be abolished, and that the Grade 5 scholarship examination will remain, though a plan is underway to reduce its complexity by 2028. A new Grade 9 examination is being discussed, and A\/L subject streams will be reviewed in consultation with the University Grants Commission. She agreed to include ICT as a subject within the A\/L stream. School-based assessments will be conducted by teachers but monitored under third-party supervision. The tuition unions raised several other issues such as how school-based assessment would affect private candidates, how syllabi would be covered efficiently, and the future of History as a core subject. The Minister noted that History and Aesthetics remain compulsory to study in Grades 10 and 11 but are optional as O\/L exam subjects. Teachers are prohibited from conducting tuition for their own students during school hours, and no tuition classes should be held during school hours under any circumstances.<\/p>\n

This meeting shows just how politically important the tuition sector has become. While some circles continue to call for the complete abolition of tuition, the government appears to be taking a more gradual approach. However, it remains unclear how effective this will be in curbing the systemic dependence on tuition or restoring the value of school-based education.<\/p>\n

Leftist groups, including the Frontline Socialist Party, have warned that these reforms should not become a continuation of the neoliberal reforms introduced by past governments. Those earlier reforms aimed at reducing the state\u2019s role in education and expanding the private sector\u2019s influence. Although the current reforms under the NPP do not overtly promote privatization, they also fail to offer a clear plan to regulate private education providers or to address the deep inequalities that privatization has already caused. For any meaningful change to occur, this silence must be addressed.<\/p>\n

As the President himself has acknowledged, reformed curricula will still be taught by unreformed teachers in unreformed schools under a largely dysfunctional administrative system. This is the core challenge. Teacher unions such as the Ceylon Teachers\u2019 Union have also expressed their discontent at being left out of consultation. Many argue that the reforms must be slowed down, studied further in light of global and regional experiences, and implemented only after preparing the ground properly.<\/p>\n

Reforming education is not easy. The government no longer holds a monopoly over education, either financially or ideologically. The last government attempted to shrink state responsibility even further and promote a privatized model. While the NPP\u2019s position may appear different, it has yet to clearly define how it will protect public education, regulate private providers, and address systemic distortions such as school admissions corruption and the overemphasis on English and STEM subjects without adequate infrastructure to support them.<\/p>\n

There is no doubt that reform is urgent and necessary. But it must be approached as a national project. Public opinion remains deeply influenced by market-driven and employment-oriented goals. The government must bring all stakeholders together, not just to change curricula, but to transform the entire education system\u2014its values, its delivery, its institutions, and its purpose. Without such a collective, well-considered effort, the current reforms may only scratch the surface, leaving the real problems untouched.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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