{"id":243323,"date":"2025-09-08T16:09:15","date_gmt":"2025-09-08T10:39:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=243323"},"modified":"2025-09-15T02:55:28","modified_gmt":"2025-09-14T21:25:28","slug":"has-hypocrisy-hijacked-muslim-politics-in-sri-lanka","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/has-hypocrisy-hijacked-muslim-politics-in-sri-lanka\/","title":{"rendered":"Has Hypocrisy Hijacked Muslim Politics In Sri Lanka?"},"content":{"rendered":"

By SMA Niyas<\/a> –<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

SMA Niyas<\/p><\/div>\n

Introduction<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

The Muslim community in Sri Lanka stands at a dangerous crossroads. For decades, its political life has been hollowed out by hypocrisy, opportunism, and moral decay. A people once known for loyalty, resilience, and principled conduct has become fragmented, voiceless, and captive to leaders who have abandoned principles for power.<\/p>\n

The plain truth is that many Muslims have drifted far from principle-based politics. A vast section of the community has lapsed into silence, either unwilling or unable to confront corruption. This paralysis is not driven solely by fear, it is rooted in ignorance, ignorance of civic duty, ignorance of the role Muslims must play in national development, and, most critically, ignorance of the Islamic ethical code that demands justice, truthfulness, and accountability.<\/p>\n

Religious rituals are performed with zeal. Mosques are filled for prayer, Ramadan is observed faithfully, and Zakat is dutifully given. Yet these acts, essential as they are, have been falsely equated with social and political progress. Worship without justice is incomplete. Charity without honesty is empty. Faith without integrity in public life is hypocrisy.<\/p>\n

Islam does not permit a separation between private devotion and public duty. The Qur\u2019an is unequivocal: justice is not optional, it is compulsory.<\/b> Muslims are commanded to uphold the truth with firmness, even when it requires opposing their own family or community.<\/b> Yet in Sri Lanka, this divine obligation has been repeatedly violated in the pursuit of political favor, ministerial privileges, and short-term survival strategies.<\/p>\n

At the core of Islamic ethics lies sincerity, acts performed for God, not for applause or political gain. A prayer offered for votes, a deal struck for power, or a promise broken for convenience carries no spiritual weight. God\u2019s justice is absolute, and those who betray it, leaders and followers alike, will be held accountable on the Day of Judgment.<\/p>\n

Until Muslims reclaim justice as the cornerstone of their politics, their community will remain weak, manipulated, and dishonored. The crisis is not only political, it is moral, it is religious, it is existential.<\/p>\n

Muslim Political History in Sri Lanka<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Sri Lanka\u2019s Muslim community has an indisputable history well-documented by historians. Emerging primarily as mercantile groups, Muslims became vital actors in international trade networks. Over time, their contributions extended into healthcare, defense, and advisory services to the monarchy, establishing them as an integral component of the Island\u2019s sociopolitical fabric.<\/p>\n

During colonial domination, Muslims faced severe challenges but never abandoned their loyalty to Sri Lanka. Unlike other groups that wavered under political and military pressures, Muslims stood firmly on the soil of their forefathers, enduring adversity while maintaining cordial relations with Sinhalese, Tamils, and other communities. They also contributed to the anti-colonial struggle: while few participated in direct resistance, Muslim intellectuals selflessly championed independence, refusing to exploit the cause for personal power. Their integrity earned the respect of the Sinhalese majority, while simultaneously fostering cooperative relations with Tamil leadership, even as Tamils pressed for greater political power sharing.<\/p>\n

After independence, Muslim politicians largely functioned as national representatives, addressing community concerns, particularly education, without compromising broader national interests. This inclusive role persisted until the mid-1980s, when Tamil nationalism, spearheaded by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), transitioned from political agitation to armed insurgency. The LTTE\u2019s ruthless ethnic cleansing in the North and East forcibly displaced thousands of Sinhalese and Muslims, compelling Muslims to debate strategies for self-protection.<\/p>\n

It was under these circumstances that the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC)<\/b> emerged as an ethnic-based political party. Its creation, however, was neither the product of principled foresight nor grounded in Islamic political philosophy. Instead, it was an ad hoc response, built on emotional rhetoric and security fears rather than a comprehensive vision. The founder, M.H.M. Ashraff, consolidated support mainly from his native Ampara District, drawing members from both the United National Party (UNP) and Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). Prominent community leaders and impressionable youth, captivated by Ashraff\u2019s charisma, rallied behind him. Notably, many Islamic scholars, lacking foresight and failing to measure the long-term implication, endorsed the project, further legitimizing it in the eyes of the Muslim masses.<\/p>\n

Ashraff\u2019s charisma and tireless effort allowed him to establish a consultative council of Islamic scholars, which enabled the party to penetrate deeply into villages across the Eastern Province and beyond. Yet, beneath this expansion lay a fatal weakness: the absence of a principled, value-based framework for membership, leadership, and decision-making.<\/p>\n

The SLMC\u2019s electoral record reflects its fluctuating but persistent presence. In its first parliamentary appearance, the party secured four seats, rising to seven in 1994, maintaining the same in 2000, then contesting in alliance with the UNP in 2001 to win five seats. It repeated this performance in 2004, also gaining seven provincial council seats. In 2008 it returned with two parliamentary seats, then managed two seats in 2014, one in 2020, and four in 2024. Though inconsistent, the SLMC consistently represented Muslims in Parliament, Provincial Councils, and Local Government bodies. This representation brought ministerial portfolios and access to development projects, yet the party remained obsessed with numbers rather than the quality of leadership. It neglected the Islamic principles of justice, accountability, and ethical governance that should have guided Muslim political conduct.<\/p>\n

The sudden death of Ashraff in 2000 exposed the structural hollowness of the party. His personal charisma had masked the absence of institutional foundations. Succession fell not on principle but on opportunism, ushering in an era of playboy-style leadership<\/b> marked by factionalism, internal sabotage, and greed for power. Instead of reinforcing unity, leaders pursued petty personal agendas, fracturing the SLMC into splinters, each claiming Ashraff\u2019s legacy while embodying none of his dynamism.<\/p>\n

The present landscape is a tragic parody: three factions, all draped in Ashraff\u2019s slogans, battle for control of the Muslim vote bank, while none uphold the values of justice, integrity, or Islamic ethics. Their conduct is characterized by opportunism, deception, and unprincipled political bargaining. What began as a movement to protect a vulnerable community has degenerated into a scramble for personal gain, leaving the Muslim community with representation in numbers but devoid of moral or visionary leadership.<\/p>\n

Constitutional Amendments in Sri Lanka and the Role of Muslim Political Parties<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Since independence, Sri Lanka\u2019s constitutional framework has undergone repeated reforms designed to reshape governance, democracy, and the balance of power. Among these, the Amendments 18, 19, and 20 stand out for the scale of their impact on the executive presidency. Muslim political parties, the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), the All-Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC)<\/b>, and the National Congress (NC)<\/b>, were not passive bystanders. They actively determined the parliamentary numbers required for these amendments to pass. Yet, instead of acting with integrity, their decisions consistently revealed a willingness to compromise community interests in favor of securing personal privileges and temporary political protection.<\/p>\n

The Amendment 18: Consolidation of Authoritarian Power<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Introduced under President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2010, the Amendment 18. removed the two-term limit on the presidency and placed immense powers in the hands of the executive, including unfettered control over judicial and public appointments. It was a deliberate dismantling of democratic safeguards.<\/p>\n

Muslim parties fell in line. Parties like ACMC and NC pledged support, justifying their stance through loyalty to Rajapaksa. The SLMC, despite its historical rhetoric against authoritarian centralization, also yielded. Rather than defending constitutional checks and balances, they traded principles for survival within the ruling coalition. Their stance betrayed a calculated opportunism, where community representation was sacrificed on the altar of political convenience.<\/p>\n

The Amendment 19: A Temporary Return to Reform<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

In stark contrast, the Yahapalana administration under President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe introduced the 19th Amendment in 2015. It reintroduced presidential term limits, curbed executive powers, and strengthened independent commissions. Muslim parties endorsed it wholeheartedly. Leaders like Rauff Hakeem (SLMC) and Bathiudeen (ACMC) framed their support as a principled commitment to minority protection, good governance, and rule of law. Yet, this alignment was less about ethical awakening and more about the political calculus of being in government. Their rhetoric on democracy, though appealing, was undermined by their prior endorsement of the Amendment 18. The inconsistency exposed their politics as transactional rather than principled.<\/p>\n

The Amendment 20: A Return to Subservience<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

The Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration\u2019s Amendment 20 in 2020 restored sweeping presidential powers, undoing the reforms of the Amendment 19. Initially, Muslim parties raised concerns about the dangers of authoritarian excess. Yet, under political pressure and in fear of losing parliamentary leverage, both ACMC and NC members eventually extended tacit or conditional support. The SLMC, after some symbolic resistance, softened its position, with certain members abstaining or quietly yielding.<\/p>\n

This retreat underscored their weakness and duplicity in the post-2019 environment. Having campaigned among Muslims on promises of reform, they abandoned those commitments when bargaining with power brokers. The inconsistency was not an accident; it was a deliberate betrayal of the Muslim electorate.<\/p>\n

Opportunism over Principle<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

The responses of Muslim political parties across these amendments reveal a consistent pattern: opportunism dressed as pragmatism. Their actions were not guided by constitutional philosophy or Islamic ethical principles of justice and accountability. Instead, they bent with the winds of power, striking deals with ruling parties for ministerial portfolios, immunity, and political favors.<\/p>\n

The Amendments thus 18, 19, and 20 expose Muslim parties as collaborators in Sri Lanka\u2019s constitutional instability. Their silence during crucial votes, their duplicity in alliances, and their misrepresentation of community amounted to nothing short of a betrayal. By collecting votes under the banner of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) and then collaborating with authoritarian regimes, these leaders ridiculed both the spirit of democracy and the ethical obligations of Islamic leadership.<\/p>\n

The Ethical Breach<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

From an Islamic standpoint, this conduct is indefensible. The Qur\u2019an and prophetic teachings impose strict obligations on leaders to honor treaties, uphold justice, and protect the rights of the people they represent. Instead, Muslim political leaders in Sri Lanka engaged in deception\u2014misusing the collective Muslim vote, legitimizing authoritarianism, and violating the very principles of justice that Islam enshrines.<\/p>\n

What transpired was not mere inconsistency. It was a systematic betrayal, a political fraud perpetrated against both the Muslim electorate and the broader democratic fabric of the country. By aligning with whichever ruling bloc offered them benefits, Muslim parties abandoned their role as protectors of minority rights and became willing accomplices in the erosion of Sri Lanka\u2019s democratic institutions.<\/p>\n

The Islamic Perspective on Political Hypocrisy<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

In Islam, hypocrisy (Arabic: nif\u0101q<\/i><\/span>) is not a mere weakness of character; it is a deadly moral disease that corrodes the soul of individuals and destabilizes society. The Qur\u2019an and Sunnah consistently identify hypocrisy as a condition in which outward appearances project righteousness, while inward intentions are driven by corruption, deceit, and insincerity. Hypocrisy, therefore, is not only a spiritual flaw but a calculated betrayal of both divine principles and human trust.<\/p>\n

The Qur\u2019an repeatedly denounces hypocrites in the strongest terms, branding them as more dangerous than open enemies, since their duplicity erodes trust and poisons the community from within. Two characteristics of hypocrisy are particularly relevant to the political behavior of many Muslim politicians today: double-faced conduct<\/b><\/span>\u2014pretending loyalty while secretly plotting betrayal\u2014and spreading corruption and discord<\/b><\/span>\u2014using influence and authority to sow division for personal or partisan gain.<\/p>\n

The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) left no ambiguity regarding the nature of hypocrisy. He declared: \u201cThe signs of a hypocrite are three: when he speaks, he lies; when he makes a promise, he breaks it; and when he is entrusted, he betrays the trust.\u201d<\/i><\/b> By this standard, dishonesty, treachery, and the violation of promises are not mere political failings; they are spiritual crimes that strip leaders of legitimacy in the eyes of God and the people.<\/p>\n

From a social and political perspective, hypocrisy devastates collective integrity. It divides the Muslim community, fosters mistrust, legitimizes corruption, and manipulates religion for personal or party-centered advantage<\/b>. This exploitation of faith not only insults the sacred but also sabotages the very principles of justice and accountability that Islam enshrines.<\/p>\n

Islam unequivocally condemns hypocrisy as one of the gravest sins, promising hypocrites the most severe punishment in the Hereafter. Truthfulness, faithfulness, and sincerity are identified as the defining qualities of a believer, while hypocrisy is a mark of betrayal. For Muslims today, the demand is uncompromising: sincerity must govern all realms\u2014personal, social, and political. Anything less is a betrayal of Islam itself.<\/p>\n

It is no longer sufficient for Muslim leaders in Sri Lanka to glorify the \u201cgolden history\u201d of Muslim contributions to kingship, colonial resistance, or post-independence politics. Empty nostalgia does not absolve present-day failures. What is urgently required is an honest reckoning with the outcomes of leadership from the era of monarchs to the current political order. Without this reckoning, Muslim political leadership risks being permanently branded as a class of hypocrites\u2014men who speak of faith but act in violation of its most basic ethical demands.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Figure 1: Comparison of leadership qualities of Muslim politicians in Sri Lanka over time, scored across key periods in political history (Author, 2025).<\/p><\/div>\n

The above figures, presented in bar and line graph formats, illustrate how the quality of Muslim leadership corresponded to adherence to the fundamental guiding principles of Islam. This leadership quality index (QI) was calculated by assigning scores to leadership performance across five historical periods, based on key criteria: justice, consultation in accordance with Islamic Guiding Principles (IsGP)<\/b>, truthfulness, prioritization of public interest (both national and communal), respect for treaties and laws, and the promotion of peaceful coexistence, all of which are strongly emphasized in the primary sources of Islam.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Figure 2: Comparative assessment of leadership qualities across the political history of Muslims in Sri Lanka (Author, 2025)<\/p><\/div>\n

Figure 3 further clarifies the leadership quality across these periods. The index reached its peak, between 85 and 90, during the Kings\u2019 period, reflecting a time when Muslims closely adhered to IsGP in their actions and governance. Historical accounts authored by both Muslim and non-Muslim scholars confirm that Muslim leaders were entrusted with critical responsibilities precisely because of their loyalty and principled conduct. Some may argue that this era was less politically active compared to modern times, yet the high QI demonstrates that the community maintained integrity and principled leadership even in comparatively quieter political contexts.<\/p>\n

The Muslim community encountered opportunities to secure territorial and political influence on three notable occasions in history. The first was during the Kings\u2019 period, when their loyalty and service to the monarchy could have facilitated the allocation of a distinct region for Muslim settlement. The second was at the time of independence, when other minority communities demanded equitable power sharing. In contrast, the Muslims supported a united Ceylon. However, their leadership quality index during this period declined slightly to 80\u201385, lower than during the Kings\u2019 period but higher than in the colonial era. This decline was attributed primarily to concerns about social security rather than to an absence of principle.<\/p>\n

\"\"

Figure 3: Graph illustrating the trend of compliance with Islamic guiding principles (IsGP) in relation to the protection of Sri Lanka through the promotion of justice and peace throughout the political history of Sri Lankan Muslims (Author, 2025).<\/p><\/div>\n

The factor influencing the decline of the QI was the advent of colonial rule. Western colonial powers implemented policies that undermined Muslim trade and political influence. Consequently, fearing for community security and uncertain about political freedom under colonial domination, Muslim leadership\u2019s willingness to make full sacrifices for national independence weakened. Nevertheless, historical records confirm that many individuals from the community made significant contributions to the struggle for independence, reflecting the continued presence of principled leadership at the individual level, even as collective leadership faltered.<\/p>\n

Since independence, the Quality Index (QI) of Muslim leadership demonstrated a significant upward trend, reaching its peak around the year 2000 during the tenure of the SLMC\u2019s founder. The period from independence to 1985 is often cited as exemplary, particularly when contrasted with contemporary leadership, party structures, and the conduct of senior party members.<\/p>\n

The third major opportunity for Muslims to claim a dedicated region emerged with the SLMC founder\u2019s proposal to establish a coastal district for Eastern Province Muslims, excluding Ampara town from the existing administrative and electoral district of Digamadulla. Although the proposal was formally presented to national leaders, it was not approved, and the SLMC leadership failed to mobilize adequate support from Muslims outside the Northern and Eastern provinces. Several factors contributed to this failure. Northern Tamil political objections were firm, while Southern Muslims largely withheld support, fearing that the creation of a separate district would destabilize the socio-economic and political environment of Muslims nationwide. Furthermore, many southern intellectuals and politicians perceived the proposal primarily as a strategy for the political survival of the SLMC founder, rather than as a genuine effort to secure communal advancement.<\/p>\n

As a consequence, the party\u2019s leadership did not prioritize the recruitment of principled individuals into the founder\u2019s high command. The QI, which had been recorded at 80\u201385 under the leadership preceding the SLMC founder, began a steady decline following his death. This deterioration soon accelerated, with the index dropping sharply to 50\u201355, and it continues to decline under successive leaderships that have consistently failed to uphold Islamic guiding principles in political conduct.<\/p>\n

The Way Forward: Reforming Muslim Political Conduct<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

The Muslim community, long reminded through the Qur\u2019an, Hadith, Friday sermons, scholarly lectures, and countless writings, has nonetheless disregarded the Islamic guiding principles (IsGP) in selecting political representatives over the past four decades. Political engagement has been conducted without reference to Islamic ethics, resulting in widespread complicity with systems that compromise justice, truthfulness, and accountability. From an Islamic perspective, several factors have contributed to this crisis.<\/p>\n

Firstly, the Muslim electorate has often been unaware of the moral implications of their political choices. Political participation was treated casually, unlike obligatory acts of worship such as prayer and fasting. Violations of treaties, laws, and ethical duties were normalized, while statements from contemporary politicians, for example, \u201cthere are no permanent friends or enemies in politics\u201d, were misinterpreted as prophetic wisdom. In reality, cheating, opportunism, and the breach of agreements were celebrated as political skill, whereas in Islam they constitute moral failure.<\/p>\n

Secondly, major non-Muslim parties in Sri Lanka also demonstrated inconsistent adherence to ethical standards. Although some individual leaders displayed personal integrity, political parties as institutions largely operated on pragmatic rather than principled grounds. Consequently, Muslim political actors absorbed these practices, replicating unprincipled methods in their own leadership.<\/p>\n

Thirdly, Muslim parties such as the SLMC reproduced the structural and ethical shortcomings of mainstream national parties. Their central focus was maximizing bargaining power within a volatile national political landscape and securing parliamentary and local representation, rather than cultivating principled, ethically grounded institutions aligned with both Islamic values and national development.<\/p>\n

Fourthly, rural Muslim communities became habituated to transactional politics, where votes were routinely exchanged for financial incentives. This entrenched culture of unprincipled behavior, compounded by competition among splintered Muslim parties, has created disunity even within families and villages, further weakening communal solidarity.<\/p>\n

Islamic political philosophy emphasizes justice, consultation, accountability, and service to society as the foundations of legitimate leadership. These principles have been neglected, a reality reflected in the downward trajectory of the QI as illustrated in Figures 1\u20133. Yet, despite current discouraging trends, recent electoral shifts indicate that a growing number of Muslim voters are expressing dissatisfaction with corrupt practices and are seeking principled political representation. The emergence of parties committed to the IsGP signals the potential to replace corrupt entities with ethically guided alternatives.<\/p>\n

There is an urgent need for a Muslim political party that rigorously adheres to these principles. Such a party must represent Muslim interests while simultaneously contributing to national cohesion, inclusivity, and social progress. Leadership must demonstrate transparency, integrity, and a genuine commitment to justice, while actively fostering patriotism and equitable development. Any new political initiative must categorically reject separatist ideologies, uphold Sri Lanka\u2019s sovereignty, and collaborate in promoting peace and security. By addressing internal socio-economic challenges through education, empowerment, and equitable resource distribution, the Muslim community can restore dignity, unity, and political efficacy.<\/p>\n

Conclusion<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

The present state of Muslim political leadership in Sri Lanka exposes a troubling gap between Islamic ethical standards and actual political practice. This disconnect has allowed leaders whose actions can be regarded as hypocritical in the Qur\u2019anic sense, undermining both communal trust and national cohesion. To reclaim a meaningful and principled role in the country\u2019s political sphere, the Muslim community must steadfastly uphold the Islamic values of justice, sincerity, and service to humanity. Political engagement that ignores these principles jeopardizes not only spiritual integrity but also societal stability. Therefore, it is imperative that Muslim political leadership be firmly rooted in Islamic ethical guidance, not merely as a religious obligation, but as an essential strategy for achieving justice, unity, and sustainable development in Sri Lanka.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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