{"id":243872,"date":"2025-10-16T04:55:10","date_gmt":"2025-10-15T23:25:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=243872"},"modified":"2025-11-01T16:30:11","modified_gmt":"2025-11-01T11:00:11","slug":"sri-lankas-legal-blind-spot-why-we-keep-failing-to-bring-arjuna-mahendran-home","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/sri-lankas-legal-blind-spot-why-we-keep-failing-to-bring-arjuna-mahendran-home\/","title":{"rendered":"Sri Lanka\u2019s Legal Blind Spot: Why We Keep Failing To Bring Arjuna Mahendran Home"},"content":{"rendered":"

By\u00a0Sam Samarakoon<\/a> –<\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Sam Samarakoon<\/p><\/div>\n

When Singapore refused to extradite former Central Bank Governor\u00a0Arjuna Mahendran<\/a><\/span>\u00a0in early 2025, the headlines called it a diplomatic failure. But that\u2019s the wrong diagnosis. What we witnessed was not Singapore\u2019s rejection, it was Sri Lanka\u2019s\u00a0legal unpreparedness\u00a0laid bare.<\/p>\n

For ten years, successive governments have promised to bring Mahendran back to face justice over the 2015 Central Bank bond scandal<\/a><\/span>. Each administration has blamed foreign reluctance or political interference. But the truth is far less dramatic and far more uncomfortable:\u00a0we did not meet Singapore\u2019s legal requirements.<\/p>\n

The Real Reason Singapore Said No<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Singapore\u2019s\u00a0Attorney-General\u2019s Chambers (AGC)\u00a0didn\u2019t reject the extradition to protect Mahendran. It did so because Sri Lanka\u2019s request\u00a0failed the tests set out under Singapore\u2019s Extradition Act 1968.<\/p>\n

That law requires three things:<\/p>\n

1. The alleged act must be a crime in both countries (the dual criminality test<\/i>).<\/p>\n

2. The evidence must be strong enough to justify a trial under Singaporean standards (the prima facie test<\/i>).<\/p>\n

3. The request must not stem from political motives.<\/p>\n

Our file stumbled at all three hurdles<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Sri Lanka\u2019s charges, built under the Penal Code and Bribery Act, weren\u2019t framed in terms Singapore could recognise. The evidence, though massive in volume, did not clearly prove criminal intent. And the politically charged nature of the bond debate only reinforced Singapore\u2019s view that this could be seen as a politicised prosecution.<\/p>\n

Our Legal Shortcomings<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Singapore\u2019s decision mirrors rulings by its own courts and other Commonwealth jurisdictions, from\u00a0Wong Yuh Lan<\/i>\u00a0in Singapore to\u00a0Re Nielsen<\/i>\u00a0in the UK; that stress precision over volume, and legality over rhetoric.<\/p>\n

Yet, Sri Lanka\u2019s submission betrayed key deficits:<\/p>\n

* Mismatched legal definitions: We failed to align our charges with the equivalent sections of Singapore\u2019s Penal Code or its Prevention of Corruption Act.<\/p>\n

* Weak evidentiary mapping: Much of our evidence was investigatory rather than admissible under foreign law.<\/p>\n

* Political noise: Continuous public statements by politicians undermined the neutrality Singapore requires in extradition requests.<\/p>\n

These are not mere technicalities. In law,\u00a0form is substance. If we can\u2019t translate our offences into Singapore\u2019s legal language or demonstrate evidence that meets its evidentiary standards, we will keep hitting the same wall.<\/p>\n

How to Fix the System<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

It\u2019s time to stop blaming others and start\u00a0fixing our approach. Several steps are essential if Sri Lanka hopes to restore credibility in cross-border justice:<\/p>\n

1. Reframe future charges: Match offences precisely with Singapore\u2019s statutory provisions, particularly those addressing criminal breach of trust<\/i>\u00a0and\u00a0public-sector corruption<\/i>.<\/p>\n

2. Upgrade evidentiary standards: Replace political commissions and leaked reports with certified, court-ready documents: notarised depositions, forensic audits, and authenticated transcripts.<\/p>\n

3. Depoliticise prosecution: Create an independent extradition unit within the Attorney-General\u2019s Department insulated from political commentary.<\/p>\n

4. Utilise Mutual Legal Assistance (MLA): Build structured cooperation under the UN Convention Against Corruption (Article 43) rather than rely solely on extradition.<\/p>\n

5. Maintain lawful diplomatic pressure: Keep the Interpol Red Notice active, but pair it with professionalism\u2014not populism.<\/p>\n

A Lesson Beyond Mahendran<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

The Mahendran case is not just about one man or one scandal. It is a test of whether Sri Lanka\u2019s justice system can operate confidently on the global stage. Extradition is a legal process, not a political campaign slogan.<\/p>\n

Singapore applied its law and did so correctly. If Sri Lanka wants accountability, it must\u00a0speak the language of international law, not domestic outrage.<\/p>\n

Until we reform the way we prepare, frame, and present our cases abroad, Mahendran, and others like him, will remain beyond our legal reach.<\/p>\n

Our failure isn\u2019t that Singapore protected one of its citizens. It\u2019s that\u00a0we keep mistaking political will for legal competence.<\/p>\n

*Sam Samarakoon – Attorney-at-Law (Sri Lanka) | Barrister & Solicitor (Victoria, Australia) | Retired High Court Judge<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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