{"id":246645,"date":"2026-03-31T18:34:47","date_gmt":"2026-03-31T13:04:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=246645"},"modified":"2026-04-05T21:03:19","modified_gmt":"2026-04-05T15:33:19","slug":"from-revolution-to-rule-is-the-jvp-tightening-its-grip","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/from-revolution-to-rule-is-the-jvp-tightening-its-grip\/","title":{"rendered":"From Revolution To Rule: Is The JVP Tightening Its Grip"},"content":{"rendered":"

By\u00a0A. Jathindra<\/a>\u00a0\u2013<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

A. Jathindra<\/p><\/div>\n

Speculation is mounting in Sri Lanka\u2019s political arena that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), now a ruling force, may be steering the country toward the oneparty state. The allegation was recently voiced by M.A. Sumanthiran, acting general secretary of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi (ITAK) and former Member of Parliament. Significantly, he made this claim in New Delhi, during an interview<\/span><\/a><\/span> with an Indian journalist.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe greatest danger facing the country\u2014not just the Tamils\u2014is that the JVP will move towards a oneparty state,\u201d Sumanthiran warned. \u201cIt is a very serious situation.\u201d He argued that the government\u2019s antipoverty program, Praja Shakthi<\/i>, was being implemented at the grassroots through handpicked representatives, effectively sidelining established institutions and elected officials. He further noted that the government had appointed five MPs from the region to act as shadow ministers, usurping the powers of the Northern Provincial Council, which has remained without elections for years.<\/p>\n

To reinforce his point, Sumanthiran recalled the words of ITAK founding leader S.J.V. Chelvanayakam in 1971: \u201cWe Tamils are also for socialism. But we are not for oneparty rule.\u201d His message was unambiguous: while Tamils may support progressive policies, they will resist any attempt to impose authoritarianism.<\/p>\n

The JVP\u2019s Past and Its Perception<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

Is the JVP truly moving toward oneparty rule, as Sumanthiran claims? Doubts stem from the party\u2019s history. The JVP did not enter politics with a democratic ethos. Twice\u2014in 1971 and again during the violent insurrection of 1988\u201389\u2014it attempted to seize power through the barrel of a gun. Its ideological inspirations were not liberal democracies but authoritarian oneparty states such as China and Cuba.<\/p>\n

Had the JVP succeeded in its revolutions, Sri Lanka might well have seen a oneparty state that \u201cexercises overall leadership over all areas of endeavor in every part of the country<\/span><\/a>,<\/span>\u201d with elections reduced to mere formalities, as in Cuba. During its revolutionary phase, opposition parties, intellectuals, and even Indian supporters were targeted at gunpoint. In this sense, the JVP\u2019s past bears uncomfortable parallels with the LTTE, which also sought to establish a oneparty state in a separate Tamil homeland, modeled on Yugoslavia\u2019s centralized system. In terms of ruling a territory, the objectives of the JVP and LTTE were not very different.<\/p>\n

Ideological Leanings and China\u2019s Influence<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

Another reason for doubt lies in the JVP\u2019s ideological leanings. The early JVP was influenced by Leninist thought and admired China. From this background emerged its strong antiIndia stance, often framed as opposition to \u201cIndian expansionism.\u201d<\/p>\n

General Secretary of the JVP<\/span> Tilvin Silva\u2019s comments after a study tour of China have reinforced these doubts. He said<\/span><\/a><\/span>: \u201cWe feel there is a form of democracy there. True, it is a oneparty system, but there is a positive side to that also because it helps to work towards one direction, one plan.\u201d<\/p>\n

For opposition leaders like Sumanthiran, such remarks are alarming. Silva further explained: \u201cWe have now started to change this country. But if our government changes in the next five years while we are in the process of making this change, then everything we started would be ruined. The next group would do something different. That is why we think that if a government can stay in power for 15, 20 or 25 years, only then would it be able to take the country forward under one vision, one policy framework. That is the advantage that China has, and they have utilized it. I believe that is one of the reasons for their rise.\u201d<\/p>\n

After concluding his Distinguished Visitors Programme<\/b> in India in February this year, Silva remarked that the two countries cannot be compared<\/span><\/a><\/span>. \u201cIn India, we see that though there are efforts to introduce new technology, there have been obstacles in implementing these initiatives because of religious and cultural practices and traditions that must be navigated. In China, it is not like that.\u201d His comments raise questions about whether he was speaking with a broader party objective in mind.<\/p>\n

Can One-Party Rule Work in Sri Lanka?<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

Even if some JVP leaders desire oneparty rule, the question remains whether it is possible in Sri Lanka. The island\u2019s political culture, especially in the south, is not one that easily accommodates oneparty domination. Moreover, Sri Lanka\u2019s proximity to India\u2014the world\u2019s largest democracy\u2014would make such a move politically risky.<\/p>\n

In reality, today\u2019s JVP, which claims to be learning from its past, is unlikely to pursue outright oneparty rule. Even if it harbors such intentions, implementing them would be extremely difficult. However, if opportunities arise to weaken opposition parties and create a political environment where they are ineffective, the JVP may exploit them.<\/p>\n

Historical Parallels<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

Authoritarian political tendencies in Sri Lanka are not new. During Mahinda Rajapaksa\u2019s presidency, concerns were raised about a drift toward a Southeast Asianstyle strongman model, particularly given his proChina stance. Earlier, JR Jayewardene\u2019s UNP government used its overwhelming parliamentary majority to introduce a new constitution in 1978, replacing Sri Lanka\u2019s parliamentary system with a powerful executive presidency and reshaping foreign policy. Jayewardene famously declared that he had all powers \u201cexcept to turn a man into a woman or a woman into a man.\u201d These episodes illustrate how parliamentary supremacy has repeatedly been leveraged to override institutional checks and concentrate power in the hands of ruling elites.<\/p>\n

Against this backdrop, fears of oneparty dominance under the JVP are not misplaced. The party\u2019s revolutionary past, its Leninist orientation, and its admiration for China\u2019s political model continue to fuel suspicion, while remarks from its most influential leader, Tilvin Silva, only deepen those concerns.<\/p>\n

Even so, Sri Lanka\u2019s political culture and regional realities make the prospect of outright oneparty rule improbable. Beyond the suspicions surrounding the JVP, what appears more likely is a scenario in which the party\u2014much like its predecessors\u2014uses parliamentary strength to weaken the opposition, bend institutions to its advantage, and entrench its influence, all while keeping the outward framework of multiparty democracy intact.<\/p>\n

*A. Jathindra is the head of the think tank Trinco Centre for Strategic Studies (TCSS) and a Sri Lankan-based independent political analyst.\u00a0<\/i><\/b><\/span><\/i><\/b><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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