{"id":246691,"date":"2026-04-03T16:07:23","date_gmt":"2026-04-03T10:37:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=246691"},"modified":"2026-04-14T18:56:51","modified_gmt":"2026-04-14T13:26:51","slug":"the-tragedy-as-a-tool-why-the-main-brain-remains-a-political-weapon","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/the-tragedy-as-a-tool-why-the-main-brain-remains-a-political-weapon\/","title":{"rendered":"The Tragedy As A Tool: Why The “Main Brain” Remains A Political Weapon"},"content":{"rendered":"

By\u00a0Asoka S. Seneviratne<\/a>\u00a0\u2013<\/strong><\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Prof. Asoka.S. Seneviratne<\/p><\/div>\n

“Violence can only be concealed by a lie, and the lie can only be maintained by violence.<\/em>” \u2014 Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn<\/i><\/b><\/p>\n

Seven years have passed since the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, yet for the people of Sri Lanka, the smoke never truly cleared. What should have been a closed chapter of judicial justice has instead become a “perpetual motion machine<\/b>” for political campaigning. The 269 lives lost and the hundreds maimed are no longer just victims of a terrorist atrocity; they have become the currency of political relevance. As we observe the current landscape under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake<\/span><\/a><\/span> (AKD), a troubling pattern emerges: the louder a politician shouts about finding the “Main Brain,” the more they seem to be selling a narrative rather than seeking a truth.<\/p>\n

The Promises of the Past \u2013 A Carousel of Masterminds<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

The history of the “Main Brain” investigation is a master class in political shape-shifting. Sajith Premadasa has consistently championed the cause of the Catholic Church, calling for international probes and “absolute transparency<\/b>.” His rhetoric suggests that the truth is being suppressed by a deep-state conspiracy, positioning himself as the only crusader capable of unmasking the ultimate villain.<\/p>\n

However, contrast this with the “research” outcomes of figures like Udaya Gammanpila and Sarath Weerasekara. For years, the official stance from these circles\u2014and indeed the conclusion of many state-led inquiries\u2014was that Zahran Hashim<\/b> was the mastermind. Gammanpila\u2019s recent “revelations” and his committee reports offer very little that is actually new regarding the “Main Brain.” If Zahran was the mastermind in 2020, and he remains the mastermind in Gammanpila\u2019s 2026 discourse, then the recent political firestorms are not about who<\/i> did it, but about who<\/i> can be blamed for letting it happen.<\/p>\n

The tragedy is that the “Main Brain” has become a placeholder. Depending on which year it is and who is in the opposition, the “Mastermind” is either a local extremist, a foreign intelligence agency, or a political rival.<\/p>\n

<\/b>The Current Tug-of-War \u2013 Professionalism vs. Populism<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

President AKD\u2019s administration began with a clear mandate: to depoliticize the investigation. By recalling experienced investigators like Shani Abeysekara and Ravi Seneviratne, the government signaled a move toward a forensic, evidence-based approach. These are individuals who were famously sidelined by previous administrations, such as Gotabaya Rajapaksa, because their findings were considered “politically inconvenient.”<\/p>\n

Yet, as I undertook, the moment the investigation gained professional momentum, the political “bombshells” began. We see a coordinated effort by the opposition to derail these probes. The forum held on March 31, 2026, was a testament to this “unlikely” unity. Seeing Sajith Premadasa, Maithripala Sirisena, Sarath Weerasekara, and other opposition leaders sharing a platform with Gammanpila highlights a singular goal: Defensive Unity.<\/b><\/p>\n

This “unholy alliance” of rival politicians is not a coalition of the seeking, but a circle of the self-protected<\/b>. By standing together on a single stage, they create a collective shield intended to block any investigation that dares to look beyond the gunmen and into the corridors of state negligence. Their unity is a tactical response to a professional probe that threatens to expose how years of political infighting and intelligence manipulation created the vacuum Zahran Hashim exploited. For these leaders, a truly independent conclusion is a zero-sum game: if the professional investigators succeed in uncovering the structural rot of 2019, the political legacies of those in power during that era will be permanently dismantled. Thus, they “sell” the mystery of the “Main Brain” to the public, specifically to prevent the law from identifying the “Main Failures” of the state.<\/p>\n

In short, by attacking the credibility of the investigators, they hope to preemptively discredit any findings that might point toward high-level negligence or complicity.<\/p>\n

The Ethics of Popularity \u2013 Selling the “Secret”<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Perhaps the most cynical aspect of this saga is the “I know a secret” politics. Former President Maithripala Sirisena has repeatedly claimed he knows the identity of the “Main Brain” but will only reveal it to a magistrate in a closed-door session. This “teaser” strategy keeps him in the headlines and provides a layer of immunity\u2014it suggests he is a crucial witness who must be handled with care.<\/p>\n

Similarly, we see figures like Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thero claiming to possess the ultimate truth, which he will only share with President AKD. Interestingly, Gnanasara was absent from the Gammanpila forum, suggesting that even within the “truth-seeker” camp, there are factions competing for the “exclusive rights” to the narrative.<\/b><\/b><\/p>\n

Why do they do this? Because in the economy of populism, mystery is more valuable than history.<\/b> As long as the “Main Brain” is a mystery, it can be used to:<\/p>\n

Distracted<\/b> from current economic challenges.<\/p>\n

Discredit<\/b> the current government’s law enforcement efforts.<\/p>\n

Mobilize<\/b> religious and ethnic voter bases by hinting at “external threats” or “internal betrayals.”<\/p>\n

The Novelty of the Current Crisis<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

What makes the 2026 political climate unique is that the “Pasku Brand” is starting to experience diminishing returns, and I am convinced of this.\u00a0 <\/span>The public is beginning to notice that the people claiming to seek the truth are (i) the same people who sat on intelligence reports, (ii) ignored warnings, and (iii) presided over failed commissions for half a decade.<\/p>\n

When Gammanpila presents “research” that merely rehashes what Sarath Weerasekara said years ago, the novelty is gone. When Sajith Premadasa joins hands with the very people his party once accused of complicity, the “moral high ground” collapses. The 2026 forum was not a search for justice; it was a political trade show where old ideas were repackaged in new grievances.<\/b><\/p>\n

Conclusion: Justice vs. The Weapon<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

For the victims of the Easter attacks, finding the “Main Brain” is about closure and the prevention of future horrors. It is a matter of Justice.<\/b> But for the political class, the “Main Brain” has become a Main Weapon.<\/b> The true tragedy is that these politicians have a vested interest in not<\/i> finding the final answer. Once the main brain is revealed, documented, and prosecuted, the “political product” expires. The mystery ends, the headlines stop, and the “Easter Sunday card” can no longer be played during election cycles.<\/p>\n

As President AKD\u2019s government moves forward, the public must distinguish between those who want to solve the crime and those who want to keep the crime alive for popularity. If we continue to allow the Pasku attacks to be “sold” on the political stage, we are not just failing the victims of 2019\u2014we are ensuring that the “Main Brains” of tomorrow are protected by the political noise of today. It is time to stop the sale and start the sentencing.<\/p>\n

*The writer, among many, served as the Special Advisor to the Office of the President of Namibia from 2006 to 2012 and was a Senior Consultant with the UNDP for 20 years. He was a Senior Economist with the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (1972-1993). He can be reached via asoka.seneviratne@gmail.com<\/i><\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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