{"id":248426,"date":"2026-08-12T05:55:10","date_gmt":"2026-08-12T00:25:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=248426"},"modified":"2026-08-12T05:55:10","modified_gmt":"2026-08-12T00:25:10","slug":"corruption-manage-it-before-it-manages-you","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/corruption-manage-it-before-it-manages-you\/","title":{"rendered":"Corruption: Manage It Before It Manages You"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Lionel Bopage<\/a> –<\/strong><\/span><\/i><\/i><\/p>\n

\"\"

Dr. Lionel Bopage<\/p><\/div>\n

Corruption is not new. It appears wherever people have power over scarce resources. No country, ideology or political system is immune. It is not a rare mistake that a \u201cgood leader\u201d can simply wipe away. It is a constant risk that must be managed every day.<\/p>\n

What changed in recent decades was the opportunity. Privatisation, outsourcing, deregulated procurement, tax competition, and private political financing created more places where public authority meets private money. At the same time, the institutions meant to oversee these interactions were weakened. Later governments inherited both the systems and the habits. The faces changed, but the incentives stayed the same.<\/p>\n

No system is immune<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

Recent events around the world show that corruption is not limited to any ideology.<\/p>\n

In Cuba, former Economy Minister Alejandro Gil Fern\u00e1ndez \u2014 once close to President Miguel D\u00edaz-Canel \u2014 was sentenced in December 2025 to life imprisonment after a closed trial. A second case added a twenty-year sentence for bribery, forgery, influence peddling, and tax evasion. It was Cuba\u2019s most significant corruption case in decades.<\/p>\n

In China, the anti-corruption campaign inside the People\u2019s Liberation Army reached the highest levels. In October 2025, nine senior figures were expelled, including Central Military Commission Vice-Chairman He Weidong \u2014 a Politburo member and the most senior officer removed so far \u2014 and Admiral Miao Hua. Officials said the offences involved exceptionally large sums.<\/p>\n

Democracies have not fared better. India and Sri Lanka have long histories of scandals and stalled prosecutions. Sri Lanka\u2019s 2025 score on Transparency International\u2019s Corruption Perceptions Index was 35 out of 100, ranking 107th of 182 countries. This is an improvement in 2024\u2019s score of 32 and rank of 121, but a score below 50 still signals a public sector widely seen as compromised.<\/p>\n

Left-leaning governments have also faced serious allegations. In Kerala, the Enforcement Directorate\u2019s case over the Karuvannur Service Cooperative Bank \u2014 involving allegedly fraudulent loans worth hundreds of crores \u2014 named the CPI(M) itself as an accused, along with senior leaders. A special court has ordered a trial. The party denies wrongdoing, but the political damage is already visible. In Chile, the Caso Convenios scandal that began in 2023 involved public funds going to a foundation linked to President Gabriel Boric\u2019s coalition, spread across regions, and cost the government ministers and party leaders. A government elected on promises of cleaner politics found itself defending the opposite.<\/p>\n

A warning for Sri Lanka<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

This global picture matters for Sri Lanka, where the current NPP government was elected on a promise of zero corruption. Its record so far is mixed. There have been high-profile actions, including the arrest of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe in August 2025 over alleged misuse of public funds. But allegations have also touched the government\u2019s own members: CIABOC has moved against the former Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody over an old tender; media reports in late 2025 mentioned complaints against several cabinet ministers and a deputy minister; and the procurement of a large fleet of double-cab vehicles drew sustained criticism over how the tender was handled.<\/p>\n

None of this proves guilt. Allegations are not findings, and everyone deserves the presumption of innocence. But that is exactly the issue. During my short visit to Sri Lanka, I heard claims about politicians of every party \u2014 and what stood out was the lack of any clear, trusted process to assess them. When allegations neither become charges nor are disproven, they simply pile up. Public trust drains away, regardless of the truth.<\/p>\n

Systems, not slogans<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

Sri Lanka already has the laws. The Anti-Corruption Act of 2023 expanded CIABOC\u2019s powers, extended asset declarations, covered private-sector corruption and allowed civil society input. The Proceeds of Crime Act followed in April 2025.<\/p>\n

What is missing is the machinery to make these laws work:<\/p>\n

* a well-resourced and independent commission<\/p>\n

* asset declarations that are verified and published<\/p>\n

* open contracting with transparent tender evaluations<\/p>\n

* disclosure of political financing<\/p>\n

* whistleblower protection<\/p>\n

* audit findings that lead to consequences<\/p>\n

* time limits to stop investigations from being buried<\/p>\n

Enforcement must also be careful. Anti-corruption efforts should target specific wrongdoing, not entire institutions. Treating every official as a suspect creates fear, slows decision-making and can paralyse public services. International experience shows that sweeping purges often make bureaucrats afraid to sign anything, damaging the very capacity needed to govern. The focus must be on corrupt transactions and the systems that allow them \u2014 not on assuming everyone is guilty.<\/p>\n

More worrying is that some recent legislative proposals move in the opposite direction. The Anti-Corruption (Amendment) Bill gazetted on 24 July 2026 would, as Transparency International Sri Lanka warns, restrict how citizens can use publicly available asset declarations \u2014 even criminalising their use for public scrutiny. It would also allow broad redactions and remove the requirement to declare the assets of cohabiting persons, a clear avenue for hiding wealth.<\/p>\n

Meanwhile, media and civil society groups have warned that proposed amendments to the Right to Information Act could weaken the RTI framework and the independence of the RTI Commission. If passed, these changes would undermine the government\u2019s own anti-corruption agenda. A government elected to end secrecy cannot afford to reintroduce it.<\/p>\n

Equally important is the process. Laws drafted behind closed doors and presented as finished products create suspicion that they target political opponents rather than corruption itself. Reform built with opposition parties, professional bodies and civil society is slower \u2014 but it survives changes of government, which is the real test of durability.<\/p>\n

A moment that cannot be wasted<\/b><\/span><\/b><\/p>\n

The leaders of the NPP government must act now \u2014 and act structurally, not symbolically. Anti-corruption cannot remain a campaign slogan or a badge of moral superiority. If this moment is wasted, history will judge harshly. And that judgement will fall not only on those who governed, but also on those who placed their trust in them.<\/i><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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