{"id":248786,"date":"2026-09-08T02:14:47","date_gmt":"2026-09-07T20:44:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=248786"},"modified":"2026-09-08T02:14:47","modified_gmt":"2026-09-07T20:44:47","slug":"two-years-of-the-npp-has-sri-lanka-really-seen-system-change","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/two-years-of-the-npp-has-sri-lanka-really-seen-system-change\/","title":{"rendered":"Two Years Of The NPP: Has Sri Lanka Really Seen \u2018System Change\u2019?"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Piyadasa Edirisuriya<\/a> –<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"

Dr Piyadasa Edirisuriya<\/p><\/div>\n

Two years ago, Sri Lankan voters did not merely elect a new government. They voted for a political transformation. The National People’s Power (NPP<\/a><\/span>) came to power promising something much larger than better administration. Its central message was \u201csystem change\u201d\u2014a break with the political culture, corruption, privileges and institutional weaknesses that many Sri Lankans believed had contributed to the country’s economic and political crisis. Now, nearly two years into the NPP administration, the question is no longer whether the government has achieved anything. It clearly has. However, the more important question is: Has it delivered the system change for which voters gave it such a powerful mandate?<\/p>\n

The answer, on the evidence available, is mixed.<\/p>\n

My overall assessment is approximately 6 out of 10<\/b>. The government has performed strongly in economic stabilisation, social protection, reduction of political privileges and some institutional reforms. But it has performed much less convincingly on the constitutional and political transformation that was at the heart of its election campaign.<\/p>\n

The economy: a genuine success<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

The NPP’s strongest achievement is undoubtedly economic stability. Sri Lanka has moved a considerable distance from the chaos of 2022. Growth has returned, inflation has fallen dramatically from crisis levels, foreign-exchange reserves have recovered, government revenue has improved and debt restructuring has progressed. Real GDP grew by about 5 per cent in 2025, while the country remained within the IMF programme. The NPP deserves credit for this. However, there is an important qualification. The economic stabilisation process did not begin with the NPP. It had already started under the previous administration and the IMF programme. The NPP therefore should not claim that it alone rescued the economy. Its achievement has been to maintain and consolidate the stabilisation rather than derail it\u2014despite having campaigned on changing aspects of the IMF programme.<\/p>\n

From an economic-management perspective, that was probably the correct decision. We need to remember that economic stabilisation is not the same as economic transformation. The NPP promised to move Sri Lanka from a debt-dependent, import-driven economy towards production, exports, investment and higher productivity. That transformation is much harder, and the evidence so far suggests that it remains incomplete.<\/p>\n

The uncomfortable question: are ordinary people better off?<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

This is the most important point and this is where the government’s economic success becomes less impressive. Macroeconomic indicators may look considerably better, but household welfare has not recovered at the same speed. Poverty remains substantially above its pre-crisis level, while food prices and the cost of living remain major concerns. For the average citizen, the relevant question is not whether GDP has grown by 5 per cent. It is whether real incomes, employment opportunities and purchasing power have improved sufficiently to make everyday life easier. That is where the government still has considerable work to do. The next three years must therefore be about moving from stabilisation to prosperity.<\/p>\n

Social protection: a significant achievement<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

The government has nevertheless recognised that economic adjustment cannot be imposed entirely on vulnerable households. The minimum Aswesuma payment was increased to Rs.10,000, with the poorest category receiving Rs.17,500. More than 1.4 million families have been receiving payments, while support for persons with disabilities and people suffering from chronic kidney disease has also been increased. This deserves credit. However, welfare payments should be viewed as a safety net, not as the final solution. Sri Lanka ultimately needs an economy capable of creating productive employment and rising household incomes. Sustainable poverty reduction cannot depend indefinitely on government transfers.<\/p>\n

Political privileges: where \u2018system change\u2019 is visible<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Perhaps the clearest evidence of the NPP’s political philosophy can be found in its treatment of political privileges. In September 2025, Parliament abolished state-funded benefits for former presidents, including housing, pensions, transport, allowances, offices and staff. In February 2026, MPs’ pensions were abolished. Concessionary vehicle privileges for MPs were also suspended or reduced. These may appear relatively small compared with the country’s economic problems, but symbolically they are important. Sri Lankan politics has long been associated with privileges unavailable to ordinary citizens. Reducing those privileges sends a straightforward message that is political office should be public service, not a personal entitlement. On this issue, the NPP has delivered.<\/p>\n

Democracy: one important promise fulfilled<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

The government also deserves credit for holding local government elections in May 2025. Elections were held for 339 of 341 local authorities, fulfilling the promise to restore postponed local democratic elections. Irrespective of this fulfilment, there is an important contradiction. The NPP promised Provincial Council elections within one year, yet that commitment remains unfulfilled. If \u201csystem change\u201d means strengthening democracy, citizens should be able to elect representatives at every level of government. The local government elections were therefore a success\u2014but the democratic reform agenda remains incomplete.<\/p>\n

Anti-corruption: institutions are being built, but where is the money?<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Among other achievements, anti-corruption was probably the most powerful element of the NPP’s political appeal. There has been real institutional progress. Sri Lanka introduced the National Anti-Corruption Action Plan 2025\u20132029 and enacted the Proceeds of Crime Act. New mechanisms were established for investigating and managing proceeds of crime and compensating victims. Investigations into a number of long-running and high-profile cases have also been reopened or advanced. But there is a fundamental distinction between investigating corruption and eliminating corruption. The government will ultimately be judged not by how many investigations it announces, but by:<\/p>\n

* how many major cases result in convictions;<\/p>\n

* how much stolen public money is recovered;<\/p>\n

* whether illicit assets can be traced and confiscated;<\/p>\n

* and whether the institutional changes prevent corruption from recurring.<\/p>\n

While the government has made notable progress in establishing institutional frameworks and launching anti-corruption investigations, its efforts in actual eradication and asset recovery remain considerably more cautious. The real anti-corruption scoreboard is still being written.<\/p>\n

And then comes the biggest disappointment: the Constitution<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

For a government elected on a promise of fundamental political transformation, the lack of progress on constitutional reform is difficult to overlook. The NPP promised to abolish the Executive Presidency and introduce a new constitutional framework based on stronger parliamentary government. Yet the Executive Presidency remains and a new Constitution has not emerged. This is not a minor manifesto promise. It was one of the central pillars of the political programme. More importantly, the NPP subsequently secured 159 of the 225 seats in Parliament. It therefore possesses an unusually strong parliamentary mandate to pursue major reforms. That makes the lack of progress even more significant. The government cannot convincingly argue that it lacks the parliamentary strength to begin the process. However, there is a current proposal to amend the Constitution but the immediate focus in the proposed 22nd Amendment to the Constitution, focuses heavily on judicial and anti-corruption reforms rather than restructuring the presidency. If the Executive Presidency remains unchanged at the end of the government’s term, the NPP will face a difficult question of what happened to the system change that brought it to power?<\/p>\n

The PTA and human rights<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

The same concern applies to the Prevention of Terrorism Act. The NPP promised its repeal, yet it remains in place. The political-prisoner issue remains unresolved, comprehensive reform of the Online Safety Act has not been completed, and reconciliation and accountability remain works in progress. There has been some progress in investigations into historic political crimes and disappearances. Howeve4r, investigations alone are not justice. For families who have waited years for answers, the ultimate measure is whether cases reach successful judicial conclusions.<\/p>\n

Health and education: promises require resources<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Another weakness of the government is its social-sector agenda. The election manifesto promised health expenditure of at least 3 per cent of GDP. Actual expenditure remains well below that target, leading to a relatively weak assessment for health. On the other hand, education reform has progressed in some areas but remains at an early stage. This raises an important policy issue. As we know, fiscal discipline is essential after the economic crisis we experienced in the past. However, fiscal discipline should not become an excuse for underinvestment in the country’s human capital. Sri Lanka’s long-term growth depends on healthier citizens, better schools, stronger universities, technological skills and productive employment.<\/p>\n

The IMF paradox<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

There is an intriguing paradox in the NPP’s performance. The party came to power promising to change the economic model and seek better terms from the IMF. Once in government, it largely continued the existing IMF framework. Economically, this may have been the right decision. Politically, however, it means that the government’s greatest success has come from continuity rather than radical economic change. The opposite has happened with political reform. The NPP promised to change the political system itself\u2014but the most important structural political reforms remain unfinished. That is perhaps the most revealing feature of the government’s first two years.<\/p>\n

So, what is the verdict?<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

An independent Anura Meter* assessment of 30 selected major promises, covering implementation through November 2025, classified 10 as met, 10 as in progress, 9 as showing no progress and one as failed. This is not a score for the entire manifesto, but it provides a useful warning against claiming that the manifesto has already been substantially fulfilled. My own weighted assessment produces an overall score of approximately 6\/10<\/b>.<\/p>\n

That is neither a failure nor a triumph. The NPP has demonstrated that it can govern a recovering economy responsibly. It has maintained IMF discipline, supported debt restructuring, strengthened welfare protection, reduced political privileges, improved SOE transparency and established important anti-corruption mechanisms. These are tangible achievements. However, the government’s greatest promise was not simply to run the existing system more efficiently. It promised to change the system<\/b>. And that part of the programme remains unfinished.<\/p>\n

The real test begins now<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

The first two years can reasonably be described as the period of economic stabilisation. The next three years must become the period of institutional transformation. The government should now concentrate on a small number of historic reforms: constitutional reform, abolition or fundamental restructuring of the Executive Presidency, stronger democratic devolution, repeal or replacement of outdated security legislation, genuine anti-corruption enforcement, asset recovery, judicial accountability, public-sector reform and a productive economic strategy based on exports, investment and productivity.<\/p>\n

The NPP has a rare political opportunity. It has a strong parliamentary majority. It has public support for confronting corruption. It inherited an economy that is recovering rather than collapsing. It has therefore been given something that many previous governments never possessed: both the political mandate and the economic breathing space to undertake structural reform. The question is whether it will use that opportunity. Two years after the election, the fairest verdict is therefore could be given as;<\/p>\n

* The NPP has been more successful as an economic stabilisation government than as a system-change government.<\/p>\n

* The economic recovery is real.<\/p>\n

* The reduction of political privileges is real.<\/p>\n

* The institutional anti-corruption reforms are real.<\/p>\n

But the transformation of the political system remains largely unfinished.<\/p>\n

For the NPP, the next three years will determine whether history remembers it simply as the government that stabilised Sri Lanka after the crisis\u2014or as the government that finally changed the way Sri Lanka was governed.<\/p>\n

The economy has been stabilised. Now the system must be changed.<\/p>\n

* https:\/\/manthri.lk\/en\/anura-meter<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

*Dr Piyadasa Edirisuriya, Former Academic, Monash Business School, Australia<\/em><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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