{"id":47214,"date":"2012-07-06T01:03:11","date_gmt":"2012-07-06T01:03:11","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=47214"},"modified":"2012-07-06T01:03:11","modified_gmt":"2012-07-06T01:03:11","slug":"wikileaks-president-rajapaksas-american-report-card","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/wikileaks-president-rajapaksas-american-report-card\/","title":{"rendered":"WikiLeaks: President Rajapaksa\u2019s American Report Card"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Colombo Telegraph<\/a><\/span> –<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cRajapaksa has a no better than average record for politicians when it comes to delivering on his campaign rhetoric. While the long-running ethnic conflict is no closer to resolution now than when he took office, the Tamil Tigers bear a large share of the blame for the resumption of hostilities. The focus on the violence has taken up most of the national debate – and taken some heat off the President to perform on his other promises. Still, Rajapaksa could do more to address Tamil concerns, for example, by promoting dual-language instruction in schools according to the commitment he made in Mahinda Chintana.\u201d the US Embassy Colombo informed Washington.<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Rajapaksa has a no better than average record for politicians when it comes to delivering on his campaign rhetoric<\/p><\/div>\n

A Leaked \u201cUNCLASIFIED\u201d US diplomatic cable, dated November 28, 2006, updated the Secretary of State on Sri Lanka\u2019s President\u00a0Mahinda Rajapaksa\u2019s performance one year after he came to office. The\u00a0Colombo Telegraph<\/a><\/strong>\u00a0found the related leaked cable from the WikiLeaks database. The cable was written by the Ambassador Robert O. Blake.<\/p>\n

Ambassador Blake wrote \u201cPresident Mahinda Rajapaksa came to office in November 2005 after a campaign highlighting his strong Sinhalese nationalism. He made electoral pacts with the Marxist, Sinhalese chauvinist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the hard-line Buddhist monk-based Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU). Rajapaksa’s pre-election rhetoric, compiled in his manifesto \u2018Mahinda Chintana\u2019 (Mahinda’s thoughts), focused on a \u2018unitary\u2019 Sri Lankan state and made a number of economic and infrastructure commitments, most of which he has not fulfilled. One year into the Rajapaksa presidency, the peace process has stalled, the ethnic conflict has re-ignited and economic development has not met the average voter’s expectations. Yet economic growth remains high thanks to continued strong remittances and healthy rains that will help the politically crucial agricultural sector. The populist Rajapaksa remains popular among his Sinhalese base, despite widespread dissatisfaction among the intellectuals and elites of Colombo.\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cRajapaksa is clearly attempting to keep his promise to people in his constituency in the Sinhalese south. Work on the highway connecting Colombo to Matara continues. Recently the GSL and donors decided to widen the highway to 4 lanes by 2010 and are conducting feasibility studies to extend the road to Hambantota. Government agencies are planning an airport and a port in Hambantota. On the other hand, Mahinda Chintana had promised to construct 20 overpasses in Colombo within three years to minimize traffic congestion and accidents at road-rail crossings. The Road Development Authority reported no discussions to date on these proposals.\u201d Blake further wrote.<\/p>\n

Discussing the \u2018Peace process\u2019 he also wrote \u00a0\u201cOn the positive side, Rajapaksa asked Norway to remain as facilitator for the peace process, despite vigorous objections from his erstwhile coalition partners, the JVP and JHU.\u201d<\/p>\n

The cable discusses the campaign promises, the peace process, the all-Party Conference, macroeconomic management, taxation, education, regional development, agriculture and infrastructure policies.<\/p>\n

Read the cable below for further information;<\/p>\n

VZCZCXRO9917\r\nPP RUEHBI\r\nDE RUEHLM #1982\/01 3320812\r\nZNR UUUUU ZZH\r\nP 280812Z NOV 06\r\nFM AMEMBASSY COLOMBO\r\nTO RUEHC\/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 4820\r\nINFO RUEHKA\/AMEMBASSY DHAKA 9646\r\nRUEHIL\/AMEMBASSY ISLAMABAD 6576\r\nRUEHKT\/AMEMBASSY KATHMANDU 4633\r\nRUEHLO\/AMEMBASSY LONDON 3354\r\nRUEHNE\/AMEMBASSY NEW DELHI 0281\r\nRUEHNY\/AMEMBASSY OSLO 3443\r\nRUEHKO\/AMEMBASSY TOKYO 2531\r\nRUEHCG\/AMCONSUL CHENNAI 7117\r\nRUEHBI\/AMCONSUL MUMBAI 4924\r\nRHEHNSC\/NSC WASHDC\r\nRUEHBS\/USEU BRUSSELS\r\nRHHMUNA\/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU HI<\/pre>\n
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 COLOMBO 001982 \r\n\r\nSIPDIS \r\n\r\nSIPDIS \r\n\r\nSENSITIVE \r\n\r\nE.O. 12958: N\/A \r\nTAGS: PREL PGOV PHUM PTER CE\r\nSUBJECT: SRI LANKA: PRESIDENT RAJAPAKSA'S REPORT CARD, ONE YEAR ON \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>1.  (SBU) SUMMARY:  President Mahinda Rajapaksa came to office in \r\nNovember 2005 after a campaign highlighting his strong Sinhalese \r\nnationalism.  He made electoral pacts with the Marxist, Sinhalese \r\nchauvinist Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the hard-line \r\nBuddhist monk-based Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU).  Rajapaksa's \r\npre-election rhetoric, compiled in his manifesto \"Mahinda Chintana\" \r\n(Mahinda's thoughts), focused on a \"unitary\" Sri Lankan state and \r\nmade a number of economic and infrastructure commitments, most of \r\nwhich he has not fulfilled.  One year into the Rajapaksa presidency, \r\nthe peace process has stalled, the ethnic conflict has re-ignited \r\nand economic development has not met the average voter's \r\nexpectations.  Yet economic growth remains high thanks to continued \r\nstrong remittances and healthy rains that will help the politically \r\ncrucial agricultural sector.  The populist Rajapaksa remains popular \r\namong his Sinhalese base, despite widespread dissatisfaction among \r\nthe intellectuals and elites of Colombo.  End summary. \r\n\r\nMAHINDA CHINTANA: \"UNDIVIDED COUNTRY, \r\nNATIONAL CONSENSUS, AND HONORABLE PEACE\" \r\n---------------------------------------- \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>2.  (SBU) President Mahinda Rajapaksa hinged his 2005 campaign on \r\nSri Lanka's ethnic conflict, committing in both his electoral pacts \r\nand his manifesto \"Mahinda Chintana\" (Mahinda's thoughts) to review \r\nthe 2002 Cease-Fire Agreement with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil \r\nEelam (LTTE).  His pacts with the Marxist, Sinhalese chauvinist \r\nJanatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and Buddhist monk-based Jathika Hela \r\nUrumaya (JHU) led analysts to believe Rajapaksa would take a hard \r\nline on the LTTE.  However, Rajapaksa surprised many by later toning \r\ndown his rhetoric and making overtures to the LTTE, resulting in \r\ngovernment talks with the LTTE in Geneva in February 2006.  Despite \r\nthe initial positive step, the peace process did not move forward, \r\nand Rajapaksa's first year in office has seen a breakdown of the \r\n2002 Cease-Fire Agreement and an upsurge in violence.  On the \r\npositive side, Rajapaksa asked Norway to remain as facilitator for \r\nthe peace process, despite vigorous objections from his erstwhile \r\ncoalition partners, the JVP and JHU. \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>3.  (SBU) Rajapaksa followed through on Mahinda Chintana's \r\ncommitment to \"Undivided Country, National Consensus, and Honorable \r\nPeace\" by assembling an All-Party Conference (APC).  Ambitiously, he \r\npromised to complete APC discussions within three months and to have \r\na viable negotiating position to open direct talks with the LTTE. \r\nHowever, various Tamil parties, and even his principal opposition, \r\nthe United National Party (UNP), did not participate.  In October \r\n2006, Rajapaksa made another effort to build a \"southern consensus\" \r\non the ethnic conflict by negotiating an historic Memorandum of \r\nUnderstanding with the UNP to work together on the peace process and \r\nother critical issues facing the country. \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>4.  (SBU) Nevertheless, Rajapaksa has yet to fulfill campaign \r\npromises that could address some of the ethnic conflict's underlying \r\ncauses.  To date, he has failed to institute teaching of both the \r\nTamil and Sinhala languages in schools, and to build two Tamil \r\nschools in Colombo and a Muslim Boys' school in Kandy.  Rajapaksa \r\nhas also reneged on promises to resettle the conflict's internally \r\ndisplaced persons (IDPs) expeditiously and with government financial \r\nassistance.  His proposed \"Jaya Lanka\" program to assist \r\ntsunami-affected persons has yet to materialize, except for the \r\n\r\nSIPDIS \r\npermanent shelter component in his home constituency Hambantota. \r\n\r\nMACRO ECONOMIC MANAGEMENT \r\n------------------------- \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>5. (SBU) Mahinda Chinthana promised to achieve 8 percent growth over \r\nthe next 6 years and ensure that benefits of growth filtered in to \r\nthe general public and the poor.  According to recent government \r\nprojections, Sri Lankan economy is well on its way to achieving 7 \r\npercent growth in 2006, with growth projected at 7.5 percent in \r\n\u00b6<\/a>2007.  Mahinda Chintana has resulted in high inflation, with average \r\ninflation currently running over 12 percent (and 17 percent during \r\nthe year beginning October 2005).   Defending the high cost of \r\nliving, the President in his budget speech said that people are \r\nready to and should make sacrifices for national security.  The \r\nbudget deficit for 2006, estimated at 8.6 percent of GDP, has come \r\nat the expense of a substantial cut in public investment.  Due to \r\nincreased welfare spending and salary increases, recurrent expenses \r\nhave increased sharply by 23 percent in 2006.  Public debt is \r\nestimated to come down to 91.5 percent of GDP from about 105 percent \r\n\r\nCOLOMBO 00001982  002 OF 003 \r\n\r\nas nominal GDP expanded due to inflation, not because government \r\nborrowing has been reduced. \r\n\r\nHIGHER TAXATION, \r\nCONCESSIONS FOR SOME SECTORS \r\n---------------------------- \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>6.  (SBU) The government has been forced to find funds for newly \r\ncreated government jobs, salaries, subsidies and welfare measures \r\nthrough increased taxation.  Since coming to power, Rajapaksa has \r\nincreased corporate and personal income taxes, import tariffs and \r\nother import charges.  In addition, a new stamp duty on a range of \r\ntransactions was introduced.  The magnitude of the tax burden was \r\nhighlighted by the World Bank in its Doing Business Report. \r\nAccording to the report, Sri Lankan businesses face one of the \r\nhighest tax rates (75 percent of profits) in the world.  Rajapaksa \r\nhas kept to promises to assist some local industries, such as the \r\nfilm industry, construction, gem and jewelry and footwear with \r\ntariff protection and tax concessions. \r\n\r\nMOST EDUCATIONAL AND ECONOMIC PROMISES UNFULFILLED \r\n--------------------------------------------- ------ \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>7.  (SBU) On the social services side, Rajapaksa has begun to \r\nfulfill some of his key promises on the Samurdhi welfare program, an \r\nincome transfer scheme aimed at the poorest of the poor.  He \r\nincreased Samurdhi payments by 50 percent in August 2006 - but only \r\nto half the recipient families.  Other, less efficient programs have \r\nlanguished.  He also promised an ambitious five-year development \r\nplan to establish a Ministry for Children and provide greater \r\nassistance to children's homes, daycare centers, and pre-schools. \r\nMost analysts discounted these as mere electioneering, and in fact, \r\nthe president has not delivered on any of these commitments.  He did \r\nestablish a Ministry of Child Development and Women's Empowerment. \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>8. (SBU) Rajapaksa kept his \"University for All\" promise from the \r\nMahinda Chintana, earmarking increased scholarship money in the 2007 \r\nbudget.  However, in his 2006 budget, Rajapaksa managed to create \r\nonly 3000 jobs of the 10,000 public sector jobs he had promised to \r\nunemployed graduates.  He included funding for an additional 7000 \r\njobs in 2007.  From the beginning, it has been clear that the \r\npromise of employment was to win votes rather than to improve the \r\nbloated government -- which has over 70 ministries crammed into \r\nnumerous office buildings filled with bored, underworked staff. \r\nSome new employees have reportedly been encouraged not to show up \r\nfor work since there is nothing for them to do, and no workspace. \r\n\r\nAGRICULTURAL, INFRASTRUCTURE POLICIES: \r\nWAITING FOR IMPLEMENTATION \r\n-------------------------------------- \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>9. (SBU) Rajapaksa partly fulfilled one key campaign promise to \r\nprovide fertilizer at a subsidized price.   However, to date only \r\npaddy farmers have benefited from the subsidy, while other farmers \r\nhave not.  Rajapaksa's proposed Paddy Marketing Board to set price \r\nfloors for rice sales is still on the drawing board.    Mahinda \r\nChintana also pledged the rehabilitation of 10,000 water \"tanks\" \r\n(irrigation ponds), but the government failed to deliver.  The \r\npromised National Land Policy to allocate 100,000 plots of land to \r\nfarmers did not even reach the discussion stage in 2006. \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>10. (SBU) Rajapaksa also included \"Electricity for All\" in his \r\nmanifesto, promising research and construction of thermal, hydro, \r\nwind, and solar power plants.  The government has taken no tangible \r\nsteps with regard to these initiatives, although a coal power plant \r\nin Norochcholai is under development.  Meanwhile, the government \r\ncontinues straining its limited coffers to keep afloat inefficient \r\nstate-owned companies which manage subsidized energy production. \r\nMahinda Chintana also promised to tap offshore oil and natural gas \r\ndeposits and to channel benefits public quickly.  Rajapaksa declared \r\nthat oil and gas revenues would be a panacea for Sri Lanka's \r\neconomic problems.  Despite political pressure for a rapid \r\nexploitation of reserves, it appears that politicians are willing to \r\nwait for a well-designed plan that will strike a reasonable balance \r\nbetween appropriate development and expediency. \r\n\r\nREGIONAL DEVELOPMENT, \r\nPROMISES TO HIS CONSTITUENCY \r\n---------------------------- \r\n\r\nCOLOMBO 00001982  003 OF 003 \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>11. (SBU) Regional development beyond the well-off Western Province \r\n(which includes Colombo) was a key part of Rajapaksa's campaign \r\nrhetoric.  Rajapaksa is clearly attempting to keep his promise to \r\npeople in his constituency in the Sinhalese south.  Work on the \r\nhighway connecting Colombo to Matara continues.  Recently the GSL \r\nand donors decided to widen the highway to 4 lanes by 2010 and are \r\nconducting feasibility studies to extend the road to Hambantota. \r\nGovernment agencies are planning an airport and a port in \r\nHambantota.  On the other hand, Mahinda Chintana had promised to \r\nconstruct 20 overpasses in Colombo within three years to minimize \r\ntraffic congestion and accidents at road-rail crossings.  The Road \r\nDevelopment Authority reported no discussions to date on these \r\nproposals. \r\n\r\n\u00b6<\/a>12. (SBU) COMMENT: Rajapaksa has a no better than average record for \r\npoliticians when it comes to delivering on his campaign rhetoric. \r\nWhile the long-running ethnic conflict is no closer to resolution \r\nnow than when he took office, the Tamil Tigers bear a large share of \r\nthe blame for the resumption of hostilities.  The focus on the \r\nviolence has taken up most of the national debate - and taken some \r\nheat off the President to perform on his other promises.  Still, \r\nRajapaksa could do more to address Tamil concerns, for example, by \r\npromoting dual-language instruction in schools according to the \r\ncommitment he made in Mahinda Chintana. \r\n\r\nBLAKE<\/pre>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":22,"featured_media":47215,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,1,2375,27],"tags":[2866,2869,2864,2867,2865,2868,2837,2862,2863],"class_list":["post-47214","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-colombotelegraph","category-news","category-stories","category-wikileaks","tag-development-in-sri-lanka-news","tag-education-in-sri-lanka-news","tag-election-manifestos-and-analysis-wikileaks-news","tag-ethno-nationalist-sri-lanka-news","tag-hambatota-news","tag-jvp-jhu-racist-politics-news-wikileaks","tag-mahinda-rajapakasa-in-wikileaks","tag-rajapkasa-in-wikileaks-news","tag-sri-lankan-economic-policies"],"yoast_head":"\nWikiLeaks: President Rajapaksa\u2019s American Report Card  - Colombo Telegraph<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/wikileaks-president-rajapaksas-american-report-card\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"WikiLeaks: President Rajapaksa\u2019s American Report Card  - 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