{"id":71549,"date":"2013-01-30T01:41:02","date_gmt":"2013-01-30T01:41:02","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=71549"},"modified":"2013-02-03T01:13:28","modified_gmt":"2013-02-03T01:13:28","slug":"abandoning-the-rule-of-law-in-sri-lanka","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/abandoning-the-rule-of-law-in-sri-lanka\/","title":{"rendered":"Abandoning The Rule Of Law In Sri Lanka"},"content":{"rendered":"

By\u00a0Andrew Rizzardi<\/a><\/span> –<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Chief Justice Dr Shirani Bandaranayake<\/p><\/div>\n

Earlier this month, Sri Lankan president Mahinda Rajapaksa replaced Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake<\/a><\/span> with a political ally following a parliamentary impeachment process that was deemed\u00a0unconstitutional<\/a>. While the government claimed that Bandaranayake had abused her position for personal gain, her ouster was widely regarded as a\u00a0Rajapaksa vendetta<\/a>\u00a0and yet another blow to\u00a0judicial independence<\/a>\u00a0in the country. In the wake of this showdown between the branches of government, the judiciary has been reduced to little more than an appendage of the ruling party. According to the latest edition of\u00a0Freedom in the World<\/a>, Sri Lanka experienced declines in political rights and civil liberties indicators in 2012, adding to a multiyear deterioration. If January is any indication, the coming year promises more of the same.<\/p>\n

Bandaranayake is an unlikely symbol of judicial independence. In May 2011, she became the first chief justice appointed by President Rajapaksa following the enactment of the divisive 18th Amendment to the constitution, which\u00a0abolished<\/a>\u00a0the short-lived Constitutional Council and granted the president increased appointment powers over the judiciary and a range of other previously independent state entities. Human rights lawyers opposed Bandaranayake\u2019s nomination, and the U.S. ambassador in Colombo called her a \u201cRajapaksa loyalist<\/a>.\u201d Nevertheless, she eventually found herself at the center of a constitutional crisis.<\/p>\n

The row began over the controversial Divi Neguma Bill, which proposed the creation of a centralized development authority combining all provincial agencies under Economic Development Minister Basil Rajapaksa, the president\u2019s brother. The legislation would effectively transfer 80 billion rupees ($700 million) in development funds to the minister\u2019s control without any provisions for oversight. The bill also included a \u201csecrecy clause<\/a>\u201d that could block whistleblowers from reporting corruption. The Supreme Court, led by Bandaranayake, prevented passage of the bill on two separate occasions. In September, it ruled that all of the provincial councils had to approve the legislation, as it concerned issues that were normally handled at the provincial level. The bill successfully cleared the councils in all but one province; since Northern Province lacked an elected council, the appointed governor endorsed the legislation instead. A second legal challenge ensued, and on November 6 the Supreme Court ruled that certain clauses must be approved by a majority in Parliament and a public referendum. Almost immediately, the governing United People\u2019s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) filed a motion for Bandaranayake\u2019s impeachment.\u00a0Fourteen charges<\/a>\u00a0were lodged against her, including failure to disclose income, disregarding the constitution, and harassment.<\/p>\n

On November 23, the impeachment\u00a0charade<\/a>\u00a0began in earnest. Requests for a public hearing were denied, and observers were barred. Full disclosure of the charges was refused, no witness list was provided, and cross-examinations were disallowed. Bandaranayake also faced verbal abuse from parliamentary hecklers. She and her legal team walked out on December 6, saying they would take no further part in the process. Bandaranayake was convicted by a parliamentary committee on three counts of misconduct, setting the stage for a vote on her removal by the full UPFA-dominated Parliament. The International Commission of Jurists condemned the entire process as a \u201crelentless campaign<\/a>\u201d to weaken the judiciary.<\/p>\n

Tensions escalated on January 3 when the Supreme Court found the impeachment proceedings to be\u00a0unconstitutional<\/a>. The government\u2019s rhetoric then shifted from\u00a0rescuing the Supreme Court<\/a>\u00a0from the menace of Bandaranayake to a direct assault on the judiciary. UPFA lawmakers denounced judicial attempts to \u201cusurp<\/a>\u201d power from the legislature. State-owned newspapers championed the authority of Parliament,\u00a0alleged foreign influence<\/a>\u00a0on jurists, accused dissenters of harboring separatist sympathies, and stepped up the\u00a0smear campaign<\/a>\u00a0against Bandaranayake herself. On January 11, Parliament passed the impeachment motion, 155 to 49. The chief justice received a presidential letter of termination within 24 hours. Her replacement, Mohan Peiris, is a former attorney general and\u00a0close Rajapaksa ally<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Bandaranayake quietly stepped aside, fearing for her\u00a0life<\/a>\u00a0and the safety of her family. Opposition leader Sarath Fonseka urged her to\u00a0join him<\/a>\u00a0in the creation of a new political party, but she has not issued a public response. Meanwhile, legal professionals are\u00a0challenging<\/a>\u00a0the legitimacy of Bandaranayake\u2019s successor and have threatened to boycott legal proceedings, potentially freezing the entire court system. Civic, religious, and professional groups have roundly condemned the impeachment process. There is also evidence of a rift within the ruling coalition. A number of normally loyal lawmakers abstained during the impeachment, including the leaders of the Communist Party and the Liberal Party. Internationally, Canada plans to\u00a0challenge<\/a>\u00a0Sri Lanka\u2019s bid to host the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting in November.<\/p>\n

The crisis could also have economic repercussions. Sri Lanka has experienced robust economic growth since the end of the civil war, aided by dramatic\u00a0increases in foreign direct investment<\/a>. Erosion of the rule of law and related political turmoil could easily change investors\u2019 calculations. The Ceylon Chamber of Commerce, aware of the danger, has\u00a0called for harmony<\/a>\u00a0between state organs. Aid from foreign governments may also be in jeopardy. The U.S. State Department has said that the impeachment\u00a0raises concerns<\/a>\u00a0about the Rajapaksa administration\u2019s commitment to democracy. Sri Lanka received $27 million in bilateral assistance from the United States in 2012.<\/p>\n

Nevertheless, the Sri Lankan leadership appears to be pressing its advantage. Having effectively confirmed the supremacy of the political branches over both the judiciary and the constitution, some government officials have threatened to\u00a0regularly summon<\/a>dissenting judges before Parliament for censure. Meanwhile, the opposition is left with little recourse. Although the judiciary regularly\u00a0enforced<\/a>\u00a0suppressive government actions, it remained one of the only venues for Rajapaksa\u2019s opponents to challenge his hold on power.<\/p>\n

It has long been bad politics in Sri Lanka to defy Rajapaksa and his allies. They typically get what they want, and the Divi Neguma Bill is no exception. It was\u00a0easily passed<\/a>\u00a0on January 8. So why would the leadership risk economic and political damage over a bill that was all but assured to become law, one way or another? In an attempt to quickly quash any sign of judicial dissent, the government began a process that snowballed beyond expectations. As the stakes increased, it stubbornly refused to step back. The consequences of the constitutional crisis are still developing, and it could have serious deleterious effects on Sri Lanka\u2019s future. For the time being, however, Sri Lanka has suffered a swift, harsh blow to the rule of law.<\/p>\n

* Andrew Rizzardi is a political analyst with a focus on human rights, governance, and corruption. He is currently assisting Freedom House with the forthcoming report,<\/em>Freedom of the Press 2013. This article is first published on\u00a0freedomhouse.org<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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