{"id":98644,"date":"2013-08-04T15:08:33","date_gmt":"2013-08-04T09:38:33","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/?p=98644"},"modified":"2018-07-25T15:08:29","modified_gmt":"2018-07-25T09:38:29","slug":"what-paranavitana-said-to-mcgilvray-do-your-homework-son","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.colombotelegraph.com\/index.php\/what-paranavitana-said-to-mcgilvray-do-your-homework-son\/","title":{"rendered":"What Paranavitana Said To McGilvray; \u201cDo Your Homework Son\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"

By Darshanie Ratnawalli<\/a><\/span> –<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Darshanie Ratnawalli<\/p><\/div>\n

\u201cThere are Brahmi inscriptions at Jailani dating to the second century BC, but they appear to assert territorial claims by local political chieftains. According to Aboosally (2002: 62-3) there is no evidence that the site was ever dedicated to the Buddhist Sangha.\u201d- Dennis McGilvray<\/a><\/span>, \u2018Jailani: A Sufi Shrine in Sri Lanka<\/span>\u2019<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

In Sri Lanka, inscriptions written in the Brahmi script \u201care found in an unbroken continuity from the last quarter of the third century B.C. to the end of the seventh century A. D\u201d- (Epigraphia Zeylanica Volume VIII[i]<\/a>\/2001:p1). Palaeographically, these \u201cmay be divided into three periods\u201d. – (ibid).<\/p>\n

It\u2019s the first period, \u2018Early Brahmi (3rd<\/sup> century B.C.-1st<\/sup> century A.D.)\u2019 that is interesting to us given our present fixation on McGilvray and Kuragala. \u201cThe early Brahmi cave inscriptions of Sri Lanka bear a stereotyped formula of the dedication of caves to the Buddhist monks. The language in them is the oldest example of the Sinhalese language showing an absence of long vowels and conjunct consonants\u201d \u2013(ibid).<\/p>\n

These cave records of Sri Lanka show us \u201cthe prevalence of the custom (then in vogue in Buddhist India) of dedicating caves as places of shelter to the Buddhist monks as a body, irrespective of sectarian differences, if they had any at that early period\u201d.- (Epigraphia Zeylanica Vol I[ii]<\/a>\/1904-1912:p18 \u00a0)<\/p>\n

A critical way Sri Lankan cave donations differ from India is in the nature of recipients.\u00a0 In India, caves were donated to \u201cthe recluses of various faiths\u201d- (EZ :VIII:p15). \u201cIn the Barabar Hill cave inscriptions of Asoka, the Ajivakas (mendicants) were the donees\u201d- (ibid).\u00a0 Asoka\u2019s grandson Dasalatha\u2019s Nagarjuna Hill cave inscription specifically states \u201cgiven to the mendicants\u201d (ajivikehi).-(ibid)<\/p>\n

Contrast<\/strong><\/p>\n

In striking contrast, Sri Lankan cave donations are exclusively associated with and considered to have been triggered by the introduction of Buddhism and its success in taking root.<\/p>\n

\u201cStone inscriptions first appear in Ceylon very soon after the introduction of Buddhism, and their contents are Buddhistic.\u201d- (Inscriptions of Ceylon Vol 1(IC[iii]<\/a>)-p xxiii)<\/p>\n

\u201cAfter the introduction of Buddhism, the early Brahmi inscriptions, indited under the drip-ledges of caves, make their presence for four centuries, beginning from the third century B.C. and witness the establishment of the Buddhist Monastic Order in the island.\u201d \u2013(EZ: VIII- p 8 )<\/p>\n

\u201cThe tradition of writing one line inscriptions on the caves in the entire country and the continuation of the practice right through the period of four centuries, certainly, witness the rapid spread of Buddhism in the country. Agata anagata catudisa sagasa, the formula carried by almost all these records compels us to understand that the gifts have been made to the Budhist monks without distinction of any school or sect.\u201d (ibid-p 11)<\/p>\n

Here\u2019s a typical cave inscription (No. 184 in IC) that illustrates the formula- \u201cParumaka-Digamita-puta Tisaha lene agata-anagata catu-disa-sagasa\u201d (The cave of Tissa, the son of the chief Dighamitta, [is given]to the Sangha of the four quarters, present and absent).<\/p>\n

Phraseology<\/strong><\/p>\n

A significant number of inscriptions however, follow shortened formats.\u00a0 The typical shortenings (illustrated using this same inscription) would be-<\/p>\n

1)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Parumaka-Digamita-puta Tisaha lene catu-disa-sagasa<\/p>\n

2)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Parumaka-Digamita-puta Tisaha lene catu-sagasa<\/p>\n

3)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Parumaka-Digamita-puta Tisaha lene sagasa<\/p>\n

According to EZ VIII, the occurrence of \u201cshortened forms, e.g. catu sagasa or sagasa in inscriptions, probably represents a later stage\u201d.<\/p>\n

The shortest format would look like<\/p>\n

4)\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Parumaka-Digamita-puta Tisaha lene<\/p>\n

When this version occurs in caves, it is interpreted in context of the implicit formula, i.e. the cave donated to the Sangha by Tissa and not as his private cave to which perhaps he brought \u2018advanced dates\u2019.<\/p>\n

In the formulaic rules of our cave inscriptions, the person whose name is in the possessive case in relation to the cave is always the donor, not the territorial claimant or occupant of the cave. Even when a cave is said to be a bonafide cave dweller\u2019s (i.e. a monk), e.g.- \u201cDamaguta-terasa lene- The cave of the Tera Dhammagutta\u201d (No. 584 of IC), he is understood to be a donor. \u201cThe inscriptions which merely state that a cave was of a tera or a bata named, without mentioning its donation to the Sangha, cannot be taken as indicating that the tera in question occupied that cave. Similar phraseology is used in the case of laymen also.\u201d-(IC, pg cvii). In cases such as \u2018Tera X\u2019s cave\u2019, going by the same rule that applies to \u2018Layman Y\u2019s cave\u2019, \u201c\u2026the gift of the cave to the Sangha, though not particularly mentioned, may be understood.\u201d (ibid)<\/p>\n

This is why in the Kuragala<\/a><\/span> Brahmi inscriptions the donation to the Sangha is understood without being explicit.<\/p>\n

\u201cSuma (female), Parumakalu, donated, in partnership with Parumaka Sumana (possibly her husband), a cave at Kuragala\u201d \u2013 No. 249 (regarding inscription no. 775) on the list of Parumakas \u2013 IC.<\/p>\n

No. 263 in the same list (regarding the same inscription) – \u201cSumana, has donated the cave at Kuragala in partnership with Parumakalu Suma, probably his wife\u201d<\/p>\n

238th<\/sup> of the same list (referring to inscription no. 776); \u201cSona, whose son Bata Punasaguta was donor of a cave at Kuragala\u201d<\/p>\n

Kuragala presents three Brahmi inscriptions, two of which were published by C. H Collins in JRASCB, XXXII, 1932<\/a><\/span>, from eye copies. The Collins inscriptions were reread, and republished in Inscriptions of Ceylon Vol. I from mechanical estampages (The most reliable method of reading an inscription) taken by the Department of Archaeology at site. The correct reading of what Collins saw as \u201cDataha Sapu daha lene\u201d and translated as \u201cThe dedicated cave of Dataha\u201d turned out to be \u201c\u2026.dataha Samudaha lene\u201d (The cave of \u2026datta [and] of Samdda) (No. 774-IC).<\/p>\n

Feminine Motif<\/strong><\/p>\n

The inscription Collins saw as \u201cParumaka Sumanaha Parumaka Lasamaya\u201d and interpreted as \u201cThe cave of the Chief Sumana and the Chief Lasama\u201d turned out to have a feminine motif and now reads (No. 775-IC) as \u201cParumaka Sumanaha Parumakalu Sumaya\u201d- (Of the chief Sumana; of the chieftainess Summa).<\/p>\n

One inscription, Collins did not observe was published in ASCAR, 1961-2 and appears as No. 776 of IC under Kuragala ; \u201cParumaka Sona-putasa<\/p>\n

Bata-Punasagutasa lene- The cave of lord Punasaguta, son of the chief Sona.\u201d<\/p>\n

So, Watson, we finally come to \u201cThe Book\u201d, which is basic reading for any scholar setting out to comment on any early Brahmi inscription of Sri Lanka.\u00a0 Inscriptions of Ceylon-Volume 1, edited by S. Pranavitana, which gives the texts and translations together with (in most cases) photographic plates of their mechanical estampages, of 1276 inscriptions (41 are inscribed on rocks; the rest in caves) from 269 ancient sites distributed in 16 of the 22 districts into which Lanka was divided at the time of publication(1970).<\/p>\n

This is the book Dennis McGilvray should have read before setting out to interpret Kuragala Brahmi inscriptions under the tutelage of an M.L.M Aboosally, hospitality dispenser and inscription analyzer extraordinaire. This is the book that does not appear, even for form\u2019s sake, in the list of references of Mac\u2019s paper on Jailani<\/a><\/span>.\u00a0 This is the book, of which C. R. de Silva, (A historian, who figures in Mac\u2019s acknowledgements) should have warned Dennis; \u201cMac, you don\u2019t have to read it, but for God\u2019s sake include it in your references, if you want to analyze Brahmi inscriptions\u201d.<\/p>\n

*<\/em>The writer can be found at\u00a0http:\/\/ratnawalli.blogspot.co.uk\/<\/em>and rathnawalli@gmail.com<\/span><\/p>\n

\n
\n

[i]<\/a> The Growth of Buddhist Monastic Institutions in Sri Lanka from Brahmi Inscriptions, Epigraphia Zeylanica Volume VIII, Malini Dias.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

[ii]<\/a> Epigraphia Zeylanica Being Lithic and Other Inscriptions of Ceylon, Volume I, Don Martino De Zilva Wickremasingha<\/p>\n<\/div>\n

\n

[iii]<\/a> Inscriptions of Ceylon, Volume I, Early Brahmi Inscriptions, Paranavitana<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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