22 June, 2026

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Politicising The Easter Bombing Probe

By Jehan Perera

Representatives of almost all the main opposition parties were in attendance at the recent book launch by Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader Udaya Gammanpila. The book written by the PHU leader was his analysis of the Easter bombing of April 2019 that led to the mass killing of 279 persons, caused injuries to more than 500 others and caused panic and shock in the entire country. The Easter bombing was inexplicable for a number of reasons. First, it was perpetrated by suicide bombers who were Sri Lankan Muslims, a community not known for this practice. They targeted Christian churches in particular, which led to the largest number of casualties. The bombing of Sri Lankan Christian churches by Sri Lankan Muslims was also inexplicable in a country that had no history of any serious violence between the two religions.

There were two further inexplicable features of the bombing. The six suicide bombings took place almost simultaneously in different parts of the country. The logistical complexity of this operation exceeded any previously seen in Sri Lanka. Even during the three decade long civil war that pitted the Sri Lankan military against the LTTE, which had earned international notoriety for suicide attacks, Sri Lanka had rarely witnessed such a synchronised operation. The country’s former Attorney General, Dappula de Livera, who investigated the bombing at the time it took place, later stated upon retirement that there was a “grand conspiracy” behind the bombings. That phrase has remained central to public debate because it suggested that the visible perpetrators may not have been the only planners behind the attack.

The other inexplicable factor was that intelligence services based in India repeatedly warned their Sri Lankan counterparts that the bombings would take place and even gave specific targets. Later investigations confirmed that warnings were transmitted days before the attacks and repeated again shortly before the explosions, yet they were not acted upon. It was these several inexplicable factors that gave rise to the surmise of a mastermind behind the students and religious fanatics led by the extremist preacher Zahran Hashim from the east of the country, who also blew himself up in the attacks. Even at the time of the bombing there was doubt that such a complex and synchronised operation could have been planned and executed by the motley band who comprised the suicide bombers.

Determined Attempt

The book by PHU leader Gammanpila is a determined attempt to make explicable the inexplicable by marshalling logic and evidence that this complex and synchronised operation was planned and executed by Zahran himself. This is a possible line of argumentation in a democratic society. Competing interpretations of public tragedies are part of political discourse. However, the timing of the intervention makes it politically more significant. The launch of the PHU leader’s book comes at a critical time when the protracted investigation into the Easter bombing appears to be moving forward under the present government.

The performance of the three previous governments at investigating the bombing was desultory at best. The Supreme Court held former President Maithripala Sirisena and several senior officials responsible for failing to act on prior intelligence and ordered compensation to victims. This judicial finding gave legal recognition to what victims had long maintained, that there was a grave dereliction of duty at the highest levels of the state. In recent weeks the investigation has taken a dramatic turn with the arrest and court production of former State Intelligence Service chief Suresh Sallay on allegations linked directly to the attacks. Whether these allegations are ultimately proven or disproven, they indicate that the present phase of the investigation is moving beyond negligence into possible complicity.

This is why the present moment requires political sobriety. There is a danger that the line of political division regarding the investigation into the Easter bombing can take on an ethnic complexion. The insistence that the suicide bombers alone were the planners and executors of the dastardly crime makes the focus invariably one of Muslim extremism, as the suicide bombers were all Muslims. This may unintentionally narrow public attention away from the unanswered questions regarding intelligence failures, possible political manipulation, and the allegations of a broader conspiracy that remain under active investigation. The minority political parties representing ethnic and religious minorities appear to have realised this danger. Their absence from the book launch was politically significant. It suggests an unwillingness to be drawn into a narrative that could once again stigmatise an entire community for the crimes of a handful of extremists and their possible handlers.

Another Tragedy

It would be another tragedy comparable in political consequence to the havoc wreaked by the Easter bombing if moderate mainstream political parties, such as the SJB to which the Leader of the Opposition belongs, were to subscribe to positions merely to score political points against the present government. They need to guard against the promotion of anti-minority sentiment and the fuelling of majority prejudice against ethnic and religious minorities. Indeed, opposition leader Sajith Premadasa in his Easter message said that justice for the victims of the 2019 Sri Lanka Easter Sunday attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state and noted that seven years on, both past and present governments have failed to deliver accountability. He added that building a society grounded in trust and peace, uniting all ethnicities, religions and communities, is vital to ensure such tragedies do not occur again.

Sri Lanka’s post war history offers too many examples of how unresolved security crises become vehicles for majoritarian mobilisation. The Easter tragedy itself was followed by waves of anti-Muslim suspicion and violence in some parts of the country. Responsible political leadership should seek to prevent any return to that atmosphere. There are many other legitimate issues on which the moderate and mainstream opposition parties can take the government to task. These include the lack of decisive action against government members accused of corruption, the passing of the entire burden of rising fuel prices on consumers instead of the government sharing the burden, and the failure to hold provincial council elections within the promised timeframe. These are issues that touch the daily lives of citizens and the health of democratic governance. They offer the opposition ample ground on which to build credibility as a government in waiting.

The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy. This is what the victim families want and the country needs. But this search must not be turned into a partisan and religiously divisive matter such as by claiming that there are more potential suicide bombers lurking in the country who had been followers of Zaharan. If it is, Sri Lanka risks replacing one national tragedy with another. coming together to discredit the ongoing investigations into the Easter bombing of 2019 is an unacceptable use of ethno-religious nationalism to politically challenge the government. The opposition needs to find legitimate issues on which to challenge the government if they are to gain the respect and support of the general public and not their opprobrium.

Latest comments

  • 9
    0

    “The search for truth and justice over the Easter bombing needs to continue until all those responsible are identified, whether they were direct perpetrators, negligent officials, or political actors who may have exploited the tragedy.”
    You have to search the truth and justice over not only Easter Bombing but also all the violence that happened in this small island since 1948. Most of it in the constitutions that was prepared in 1972 by Srimavo government and in 1978 by JR Jeyawardena.
    Sinhala only Act, 1958 continued by 1958 day time open state sponsored violence, introduction of special status to buddhism followed by executive power in which protects leaders from law etc.

  • 3
    0

    People thinking

    He stated that he wrote the book to preserve the dignity of the military “Ranaviru” (war heroes). However, the question arises as to why he did not write a book about Sarath Fonseka. In Sri Lanka, criticizing senior military figures can negatively affect the reputation of Ranaviru, Regarding Pillayan and others currently in custody, investigations suggest that there may have been prior knowledge of the attacks. However, these matters are still under investigation and have not yet been fully proven.

    • 3
      0

      Funny this phrase by RBH59: “these matters are still under investigation and have not yet been fully proven.”
      When is an investigation over? When the authorities say so. When is something proven? When the authories say so.

      It seems we have left the definition of truth and accountability to the authorities including then Minister Udaya Gammanpila’s Presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa and
      Gotabaya Rajapaksa — both of whom did a lot of covring up.

      This is the cover under which the communalist bandwagon incuding Udaya Gammanpila’s friends — perhaps Udaya Gammanpilanhimself — have been hiding.

      Is that why this book is timed as it is?

  • 2
    0

    Prior to Easter Bombings one remembers how the military Intelligence killed the two policemen on a motorbike and put the BLAME on ex-tigers. In late 2018 and early 2019, in SL no violence could happen without the knowledge of government security apparatus. Whatever said about the Easter Bombings one could say that this event helped only Gota R to be nominated for the Presidential Election even though he was an American Citizen

  • 11
    14

    P: “The insistence… the suicide bombers were all Muslims.”

    Q: “This may…under active investigation.”

    There is some overlap, mainly in regards to intelligence failures . Normally after this kind of incident, those at the top would resign. So then the question becomes, why did Ranil Wickremasinghe not resign?

    Ranil Wickremesinghe said that crucial information about any potential danger in the country was not passed to him.

    The subsequent attacks, which claimed at least 250 lives, exposed a massive intelligence failure by Sri Lanka.

    The country’s police chief and top defence ministry official have both resigned over the bombings.

    But Mr Wickremesinghe argued the fact that he was unaware of the warnings meant he did not need to step down from his position.

    “If we had any inkling, and we had not taken action, I would have handed in my resignation immediately,” he said, adding: “But what do you do when you are out of the loop?”

    Just as he denied knowledge of the bond scam, even though he appointed AM over the objections of the CB.

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