13 October, 2026

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The Robe, Thymos & Upcoming Elections

By Dinesh Dodamgoda –

Dinesh Dodamgoda

To understand the rapidly changing political landscape across the island, fuelled by the imprisonment of Ven. Galagoda Aththe Gnanasara Thero, his disrobing in prison, and the ‘Justice for the Robe’ monks’ marches from Kandy, it is necessary to look beyond conventional political analysis.

Decades ago, political philosopher Francis Fukuyama delved into a timeless idea from ancient Greece: ‘thymos’, the part of our human spirit that yearns for dignity and recognition. He explains how thymos branches into two strong political urges: ‘isothymia’, the desire to be regarded as an equal, and ‘megalothymia’, the wish to be seen as superior or exceptional.

In analysing Sri Lankan politics, a narrow focus on tax rates, inflation figures, or party manifestos is insufficient. Elections are shaped not only by economic conditions but also by powerful emotions, historical pride, and competing demands for respect and recognition.

In Sri Lanka today, this framework helps explain why the removal of a monk’s robe behind prison walls triggered an unexpected political upheaval. It also raises the question of whether traditional majoritarian power holders can harness this anger to regain influence in the forthcoming elections.

The spark: a symbol under fire

The immediate controversy arose when prison authorities applied regulations requiring a convicted popular monk, in a contempt of court case, to wear standard prison attire rather than religious robes. From the perspective of strict legal reform, this was simply an equal application of the rule of law: no citizen, regardless of status, is above prison regulations.

For many ordinary citizens within the Sinhala-Buddhist mainstream, however, the decision was not viewed as a neutral administrative act. It was experienced as a profound public insult to a sacred symbol at the heart of the community’s cultural and spiritual identity.

When a community believes its collective dignity has been wounded or disregarded, a powerful psychological defence can emerge. The marches, protests, and signature campaigns led by monks illustrate what can happen when a majority community feels that its identity is under threat. Nationalist leaders and traditional power structures may have skilfully capitalised on this sensitivity, portraying the state’s actions as part of a gradual assault on the nation’s cherished heritage.

The clash of two desires

This competition has created a political tug-of-war across the country.

On one hand, as portrayed, a reform-minded NPP-led political culture aims to build a modern, secular civic state rooted in isothymia—the shared commitment to equal laws, transparent institutions, and a firm fight against impunity.

On the other hand, the politics of cultural grievance draws on megalothymia. It fuels a populist movement that unites people behind leaders who promise to restore lost pride and defend traditional ways of life against perceived secular or cosmopolitan threats. In doing so, it gives supporters a powerful sense of unity and purpose.

Historically, political dynasties and nationalist movements have harnessed such resentment to secure sweeping electoral victories. When people believe that elites are devaluing their heritage, the rallying cry to ‘protect the nation, religion, and race’ can become an exceptionally powerful electoral tool.

Will the traditionalists regain influence?

Will the traditional Sinhala-Buddhist-led majoritarian power holders regain influence because of this wave? The outcome depends on how political actors manage public sentiment, inspiring hope that strategic actions can shape the future.

If the NPP-led government acts and communicates with greater sensitivity towards the cultural mainstream while continuing to apply the law fairly, it may prevent the politics of resentment from taking deeper root. Voters who feel respected and understood are less likely to be persuaded by promises of nationalist restoration, which can intensify social division. Yet the distrust between the NPP government and traditional Sinhala-Buddhist voters, who constitute the electoral majority, may already be too deep to repair easily.

Many Sri Lankans feel emotionally drained and frustrated because NPP leaders rely more on slogans than on credible economic policies to reduce inflation and address other economic issues. This shared fatigue underscores the importance of seeking genuine political change—not only a nationalist revival, but a focus on effective economic solutions that truly make a difference.     

The forthcoming decision

The protests and monks’ marches from Kandy heading towards Colombo are about more than just disagreements over prison attire. They highlight a long-standing tension between two different visions of society: one led by the NPP, which seeks to create an illiberal-democratic order claiming to support equal justice for all, and another motivated by majoritarian politics, eager to uphold the traditional dominance and recognition of the majority culture.

This contrast really brings out the emotional depth of these protests, showing that they go beyond surface issues—touching on the fundamental values and identities of the community. So, whether traditional political forces regain power in the next elections depends on which side better resonates with the national mood.

When political leaders genuinely connect with people’s shared sense of pride and recognition, they foster a warm feeling of loyalty among voters. Meanwhile, creating a civic order based on secular justice—along with a fresh political institutional framework—could help soothe the emotionally charged politics and slow down Sri Lanka’s ongoing cycle of upheaval. Until such a decision is made, the ‘robe’ and ‘thymos’ will keep shaping the island’s ‘elections’ for the foreseeable future!

*Dinesh Dodamgoda, a former MP and Attorney-at-Law, holds an MSc in Global Security from Cranfield University, UK. He has conducted research at Newcastle University and at the Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence at the University of St Andrews. He was also a Fulbright Scholar in US National Security at the University of Delaware

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