By Lionel Bopage –

Dr. Lionel Bopage

Reading Dr. Punsara Amarasinghe’s article Creeping Rise of Anti-Semitism is Dangerous for Sri Lanka prompted this response. Dr. Amarasinghe’s central claim is that Sri Lanka is witnessing a dangerous rise in anti-Semitism, driven by pro-Palestinian activism that calls for boycotts of Israeli goods and the shunning of Israeli tourists. He argues that activists refuse to acknowledge the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack as the trigger for the latest Gaza crisis, downplay Israel’s right to secure the release of hostages, and suppress dissenting views. He warns that the Palestinian solidarity movement in Sri Lanka promotes a one-sided narrative and risks radicalising parts of the Muslim community.

While I recognise Hamas’s role in triggering the most recent escalation, I also see the Israeli state’s policies as part of a much longer trajectory—75 years of dispossession and 55 years of military occupation. Israel’s settlement expansion, siege of Gaza, and rejection of a genuine two-state solution have left little space for peace. Western recognition of a Palestinian state, including by Australia, does not erase the historical injustice of the 1947 UN Partition Plan, imposed without consulting the people—Arab, Jewish, or Christian—who had long lived together in Palestine.

Immediately after the October 7 attack, many—including myself—condemned Hamas’s killing of civilians and the taking of hostages. But we also condemned Israel’s indiscriminate bombing, blockade of essentials, and lockdown of the West Bank. Collective punishment of an entire population cannot lead to a just resolution.

Sri Lanka’s Ambiguity

The current Gaza war has put the NPP-led Sri Lankan government in a politically awkward position. Historically, Ceylon maintained limited ties with Israel but largely leaned toward the Palestinian cause, especially under Prime Minister Sirima Bandaranaike’s SLFP governments, which supported the PLO and even closed Israel’s Colombo embassy in 1971.

These relations shifted under President JR Jayewardene in the late 1970s, who sought Israeli support against the LTTE and restored diplomatic links. These ties brought military cooperation, training, and development assistance. Diplomatic relations were suspended in 1992 under President Ranasinghe Premadasa, restored again in 2000, and Israel became a notable arms supplier during the civil war. This mixed history has produced the government’s current ambiguous stance on Israel’s military actions.

Sri Lanka has often aligned with the Non-Aligned Movement’s anti-colonial stance, voicing strong support for Palestinian statehood. However, Dr. Amarasinghe’s claim that solidarity movements refuse to acknowledge Hamas’s provocations presents only part of the picture. The deeper truth is that Israeli occupation has been the underlying driver of this conflict since the Nakba of 1948, when over 400 Palestinian towns and villages were destroyed and most of the Arab population expelled.

The Right to Self-Determination

Self-determination—the right of a people to freely choose their political future—is rooted in Enlightenment thought, codified after WW II in the UN Charter, and applied to anti-colonial struggles worldwide. In the Sri Lankan left, the JVP once supported the right of nations and nationalities to self-determination, a stance informed by Leninist principles.

The late Comrade Rohana Wijeweera, first in early 1983 and then in 1986, rejected that policy by citing selected interpretations from Lenin’s writings. His 1986 thesis, What is the Solution to the Tamil Eelam Struggle?, marked a decisive break, ending JVP support extended for such rights not only for Tamils but also in other struggles—Western Sahara, Eritrea, East Timor, and Palestine.

The shift must be seen in context. In the early 1980s, both north and south Sri Lanka were engulfed in extremist nationalist sentiment. Sinhala nationalist forces sought to erode the JVP’s support base among Sinhala Buddhist youth, and the party’s leadership opted for political expediency over principle.

Since 1984, the JVP has consistently avoided supporting the right to self-determination for oppressed peoples. This history is essential for understanding how the NPP government may navigate the current Palestinian question—balancing ideological positions, historical precedent, and contemporary economic pressures.

Impunity as Practice

Impunity refers to the failure to hold individuals—especially state actors, like soldiers—accountable for human rights violations. This situation may stem from amnesty laws, sovereign immunity, weak judicial systems, or deliberate political inaction. International law obliges states to prosecute grave breaches, but political will is often lacking.

In Sri Lanka, the practice of impunity has been entrenched since independence, with civil war-era crimes—enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, torture—rarely investigated. International pressure and transitional justice efforts have only yielded limited progress due to weak institutions and political resistance.

Israel presents a parallel case. Despite obligations under humanitarian law, the investigative system of the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) has been widely criticised as neither independent nor thorough. Even with credible evidence, soldiers accused of killing civilians are often acquitted or lightly punished. During the al-Aqsa intifada, only 74 alleged unlawful killings were investigated, less than 5% of civilian deaths.

Sri Lanka’s Balancing Act

Since the 1990s, Sri Lanka has sent thousands of workers to Israel, mainly in agriculture and construction. Israeli tourism has also grown: 9,000 visitors in 2022, 10,000 in 2023, and nearly 20,000 in 2024. Yet tensions are rising. In Arugam Bay, local activists accuse Israeli tourists of monopolising businesses, inflating prices, and altering the cultural landscape. Some allege links between visiting Israelis and the IDF, raising security concerns.

The government has faced a dilemma: tourism and remittances from Israel are vital during an economic crisis, yet public support for Palestine remains strong. Civil society groups have demanded tighter visa screening, particularly for Israeli nationals accused of war crimes, and have campaigned under the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement.

In October 2024, Israel warned its citizens to leave Sri Lanka amid fears of a terrorist attack. Sri Lankan authorities increased coastal security while insisting law-abiding tourists posed no threat. Still, reports of illegal Israeli-run businesses and incidents of violence have deepened local resentment.

Tourism, Ethics, and Political Principle

Some tourist destinations have already banned Israeli passport holders, citing Gaza war crimes allegations. Advocates argue this could attract “more ethically minded” visitors. In Sri Lanka, over 50 Israeli-owned tourist businesses reportedly operate without proper licensing, often in violation of visa rules.

For the NPP government, the challenge is not only economic but moral. Lenin’s century-old caution—that self-determination is complex and must be applied consistently—resonates here. If the government’s commitment to Palestinian sovereignty is genuine, it must be reflected in policy, not undermined by expediency.

This is not a binary choice between supporting Israel or Palestine. It is about recognising the oppression of a people and upholding principles of justice, even when economic interests are at stake. Given the JVP’s past shifts in its stance on self-determination, how the NPP navigates this moment will shape its credibility both at home and abroad.