By Premakumara de Silva –

Prof. Premakumara de Silva
Addressing the Vidvath Sabhava (Academic and Professional Wing) of the National People’s Power (NPP) to mark a milestone two years in government, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake laid down a sharp mandate for the country’s intelligentsia: to engineer a progressive transformation and build a just society, the absolute rule of law must prevail. Evoking the powerful metaphor of the legal system as an ancient “spider’s web”—which historically trapped the weak while letting the corrupt elite break through with impunity—the President signaled a clean break from decades of political patronage.
For a nation recovering from severe systemic crises, this call to dismantle elite immunity and restore judicial independence is vital. Without a functional, impartial legal framework, democracy is an illusion. However, as a Sri Lankan sociologist observing the room filled with the nation’s leading academics, scientists, and professionals, I believe the Vidvath Sabhava must look beyond the courtroom.
The rule of law establishes the rigid, formal skeleton of a stable country. But laws alone do not generate social peace. To prevent the social fabric from fraying once more, our policy framework must proactively target the informal dynamics, economic disparities, and deep structural wounds of our society.
The Sociological Pillars Sri Lanka Needs Beyond the Law
1. Transitioning from Fear to Voluntary Compliance (Social Capital)
Laws are only as durable as the public’s willingness to respect them without law enforcement standing over their shoulders. In sociology, this hinges on social capital—the invisible networks of communal trust and shared civic duty. Decades of systemic political interference have left Sri Lankans deeply cynical of authority. While restoring judicial independence begins to mend this, true stability arrives when citizens obey rules out of a shared belief in systemic fairness, rather than a mere fear of state enforcement.
2. Healing the Fractures of Relative Deprivation
The economic hardships and severe material vulnerabilities of recent years have deepened wealth disparities across the island. The law treats a wealthy executive in Colombo and a struggling daily wage earner identically on paper. Yet, their lived realities are completely divergent. Sociological data demonstrates that extreme economic inequality breeds alienation, social friction, and crime. We cannot legislate away the instability caused by child malnutrition or hyperinflation. True social peace requires structural economic safety nets that ensure equity alongside legality.
3. Rebuilding the Damaged Agents of Socialization
Long before an individual encounters a magistrate, their baseline morality, internal values, and civic compliance are molded by core socialization agents. The state primarily manages formal order, but a resilient society is built from the bottom up by empowering these primary and secondary networks:
Kinship Networks and the Trauma of Economic Migration: In Sri Lanka, extended family networks traditionally transmit initial moral codes, collectivism, and respect for community boundaries. However, our ongoing economic crisis has catalyzed a massive wave of migration, triggering a critical “brain drain.” When parents and professionals leave the island en masse for survival, traditional kinship networks fracture, leaving a generation of children without localized familial buffers, which destabilizes foundational socialization.
Peer Groups: As youth navigate these broken family structures and shifting socio-economic realities, peer networks heavily dictate subcultural norms, either steering individuals toward active civic participation or profound alienation.
Mass and Digital Media: In the modern Sri Lankan landscape, algorithm-driven digital spaces and traditional media heavily influence public perception, either amplifying toxic political polarization or cultivating informed, responsible citizenship.
Public Education and Religious Institutions: We must invest heavily in schools and local spaces that prioritize critical thinking, civic responsibility, and empathy over dogmatic rote learning.
4. Cultivating Organic Solidarity over Divisive Identity Politics
Our post-independence history has been repeatedly scarred by ethno-religious polarization, often manufactured by political factions to secure power. A legal system can penalize hate speech, but it cannot force people to feel a sense of shared belonging. Sri Lanka’s future relies on what sociologist Émile Durkheim termed organic solidarity—a collective social glue born out of mutual interdependence. The Vidvath Sabhava must pioneer policies that integrate our diverse communities into a unified civic identity that recognizes our survival is fundamentally bound together.
A Challenge to the Intelligentsia
The President’s focus on leveling the legal playing field is an indispensable step to clean the slate of our broken institutional culture. Eliminating the dynamic where political connections insulate individuals from consequences is a victory every citizen has fought for.
Yet, the Vidvath Sabhava must remember that the law is primarily a containment system for a society’s failures. It punishes the criminal, but it cannot repair a broken home, prevent economic migration, or cultivate national unity.
As professionals and thinkers drafting the blueprint for Sri Lanka’s next chapter, our task is to ensure that the rule of law is matched by a fierce commitment to social and economic justice. Only by balancing the firm, unyielding boundaries of legal accountability with the compassionate development of social equity can we build a nation that is not just strictly policed, but profoundly stable.
Native Vedda / November 1, 2026
Nimal Fernando
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Please watch this video of Prof. S. J. Yogarajah speaking in Sinhala at the NIO General Convention, from the 2:50-minute mark onwards.
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W48tkF3toZE
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I am not sure whether he is on the right track. However, one aspect of his speech that caught my attention was his reference to the complaints of the people of Mullaitivu about the State retaining control over all the important powers relating to the development of their local areas, leaving decisions in the hands of Colombo-based authorities, including ministers and other functionaries.
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Too much power is being accumulated under their a***s!
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The Colombo authorities must be told that Kandasamy, Appuhamy, Muhammad and others should not have to seek permission and direction from Colombo even when they want to go to the loo. In turn, Colombo might insist that they first apply to the Harakka Council for authorisation!
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Naman / November 1, 2026
The WOUNDS that had been inflicted on the minority ethnic group by the STATE is still being actively nursed by the affected. AKD & the NPP needs to be very sensitive & continue heal the wounds. Those who lost out economically due to destruction of their houses and its contents need to be compensated. Tax exemptions might be helpful.
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