By Vishwamithra –

“Crises and deadlocks when they occur have at least this advantage, that they force us to think.” ~ Jawaharlal Nehru

Unemployment numbers are down; GDP is growing, in fact, faster than originally forecasted; inflation is under control and consumer confidence is within acceptable range. They tell a very radiant and healthy-looking story. Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) and his government cannot go to the electorate rattling off these macro-econ numbers expecting the voters to believe the optimistic side of the picture. Those politicians who canvassed the vote by propagating the data mirages of the Central Bank lost very badly at the Hustings. President Dissanayake is an unconventional politician and if so, it is imperative that if he chooses to travel the same path that dozens of his predecessors followed, in the economic warfare, he should be armed with more sophisticated weaponry and shielded with more impenetrable and modern armor.

Whenever members of the Sri Lankan Diaspora visit their motherland and base their travels in Colombo, their experience is incredibly immersive; Colombo, the capital of the country, truly looks like a modern global commercial center; the five-star hotels, their moving patronage and their inexplicable oblivion of what’s happening beyond these vulgar curtains of affluence could all be an integral part of his exotic experience. That is how the super-rich of the land live. Their disregard for the obvious, their contemptible rashness in incurring expenses in one day, which often equates to a monthly income of an average working man who lives outside the concrete curtain of the big cities has failed to bring unpalatable truths home.

Those who enjoy the inflated statistics in the context of the macro-economy would undoubtedly encourage the government to stay the course, so to speak. What happens to most politicians, after they occupy the governing seats, is that strange recurrence of intoxicating self-deception. That self-deception, which is an essential byproduct of the inability to comprehend the fundamentals of economics and its application to a moving societal paradigm, would eventually own the politicians’ minds. The danger posed to the economy and its trajectory by their attempts to rectify it would be more harmful than the original sin of following a flawed policy.

In such a confusing circumstance, what is left for AKD and his government to do? Public relations alone, though it might be one of them, will not be a the answer. Mahinda Rajapaksa, when he was the man in charge, overly indulged in that infertile exercise. But his cohorts, whose sole preoccupation was robbing the country of its scarce financial resources, were too busy to divert their attention from self-interests  to solving the country’s problems.

Fortunately as at present, the NPP politicians have been spared of corruption and vested interest-related activities. Against such a challenging backdrop, it is not an exaggeration to say that the task at hand for the government is monumental. If the government disregards the hardships of the unforgotten man in the rural hamlets and engages itself in believing in the statistics and figures coughed out by the officials in the Central Bank, the very raison d’etre of the Aragalaya-22, and its consequential victories would be blatantly betrayed.

If the victories won as a direct consequence of the Aragalaya-22 are to hold any meaningful and longstanding effect, the government needs to look deeper into the core of our problems. An ever-widening gap between the ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’ and its clarion demands cannot be ignored any more. On the contrary, employing immediate attention to it and introduction of people-friendly plans, staffed by reliable and trustworthy men and women should take priority over everything else.

The critical, million-dollar question is whether the relatively inexperienced NPP cohorts can manage the complexities of government. If any fissures, political or otherwise, do appear on the fabric of the NPP coalition, would they be able to run the full course without any harm or slow-down caused to the progress they have made up to the present time? The whole governing process is revolving around President Dissanayake. While the executive presidency gives him significant authority, his administration has been characterized as acting cautiously due to the country’s fragile economic and social state. The composite of all these nuanced factors might not contribute to a successful end. And that does not bode well for a healthy future for a recovering economy.      

An over-reliance on the Central Bank’s inscrutable statistics—combined with doubts about their long-term validity, a lack of public comprehension, and the government’s relentless ‘rosy’ spin—will eventually breed fatigue and boredom among the masses. If AKD and his government fails at this time, Sirimavo’s 1970 – 1977 government and its grotesque spin about the success of her time might be far more tolerable. AKD would not want his legacy to suffer such an ignominy; his authenticity to politics deserves a much more glorious end.

Once again, as I have repeatedly penned, the clever use or brazen abuse of power will decide a ruler’s inglorious end or his competent journey. When AKD began his journey, most of the country thought his intent was not to abuse power or enrich himself and his cohorts. That journey’s validity and its unscarred trudging, cannot be questioned any more.

But the question remains as to whether AKD’s efforts are being supplemented by his immediate cohorts, namely the Cabinet of Ministers and an able civil service. The answer to that inquiry is complex and nuanced, particularly regarding whether AKD had any choice in selecting his own bureaucracy, the so-called permanent government. Yet again, AKD and the NPP leadership could have identified their bureaucracy well ahead of the elections in 2024. They may well be tyros in running a government by themselves; but surely, they are well versed in recognizing and identifying talents and skills of others. They should have put to use that skill of theirs long before they came to power.

Whichever way one looks, one cannot avoid coming to an unpalatable conclusion: the current government and AKD cannot be forgiven for their lack of foresight and failure to recognize the hidden disadvantages in the government bureaucracy and their indispensability in running the state machinery. When tackling the most salient issues that confront the country today, it is imperative that AKD and his Cabinet embody the authenticity and sense of urgency they conveyed to the electorate.

Prosecuting the corrupt politicians of the past, not as a matter of retribution but as a national and societal priority, rectifying a derailed fiscal and monitory system administered by the previous Central Bank, improving the alarming imbalance in our balance of trade and balance of payments in the context of the global market and simultaneously implementing a people-friendly program of work are all in the ‘to do’ list in the current administration. In the midst of all these high expectations by the masses, the government cannot be found wanting, nor could it be forgiven for any shortcomings and miscalculations. The margin for error is either slim or none.

On the other hand, the masses cannot be taken for granted. Their dreams, their expectations, highly exaggerated or not, are legitimate and forgivable. The candidate AKD is not separate nor different from President Dissanayake. If authenticity is one of the defining qualities AKD portrayed during the campaign, he has no option but to deliver on his pledges; if he cannot, he must, in the minimum, show the electorate that he is leaving no proverbial stone unturned in his efforts to bring about change that would spell something more meaningful to the average man and woman on the street.

The honeymoon is long gone. There is no time or space for reflection or post-satisfaction siesta. Let not the Central Bank figures lull you to deeper slumber. Keeping the focus of the masses strictly around President Anura Kumara Dissanayake may have its initial advantages. But AKD is human; he is neither omniscient nor does he have a magic wand. The people have passed that station and may be nearing the end of their their own journey of patience.          

The context has changed, and its relevance cannot be understated. Unless AKD and his administration opt to alter that context and present the masses with a fresh and more favorable set of socioeconomic and political circumstances, the next stop for the government might be more unhealthy and increasingly hostile. In order to avert another crisis of bankrupt proportions, it is not only the government that must shift its strategy, but the general public must also adopt fresh socioeconomic concepts. Being mere slaves to bygone political theories, while failing to embrace 21st-century scientific discoveries applicable to everyday life, can deter the advance of a society and condemn it to a failed past with irrevocable consequences.

*The writer can be contacted at vishwamithra1984@gmail.com