By Raj Sivanathan –

Raj Sivanathan

When a post appeared on social media recently, allegedly quoting President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, many questioned its authenticity. Yet, even if partly true, his words reflected a sentiment once widely shared: that there is no need for another war in the North, and that the Provincial Council (PC) system was something the Tamil people themselves wanted. He also appeared to acknowledge that if there were flaws in the system, they should be corrected, and any improvements considered.

During his presidential campaign, Anura Kumara Dissanayake promised unequivocally to fully implement the 13th Amendment. At a rally in Jaffna, he reiterated this commitment, and in overseas forums he declared that the Provincial Council system was “won through the blood of the Tamil people.”

Today, those promises ring hollow. The rhetoric of reform has once again been replaced by the familiar political paralysis that has haunted every government since 1987. The NPP administration, much like its predecessors, has resorted to calculated ambiguity, voicing commitment to devolution while quietly dismantling the very structures that make it possible.

The pattern of avoidance

If the President and his government were genuinely committed to resolving the long-standing Tamil question, they could have demonstrated it by now. The legal framework exists, the precedent is clear, and the need is urgent. Yet, fifteen months into office, the NPP has offered only excuses. Instead of reactivating the Provincial Councils, even on a limited scale in the Northern and Eastern provinces, it has opted for bureaucratic deflection, citing “delimitation issues” and “constitutional reform” as reasons for inaction.

In doing so, the government has squandered a rare opportunity to rebuild trust between the state and the peripheries. Empowering provincial institutions would have signalled a genuine shift toward shared governance and participatory democracy. Instead, the delay has reinforced the perception that the NPP’s approach is no different from that of the political dynasties it once criticised.

The hidden constitutional agenda

The real reason behind the government’s hesitation, however, may lie elsewhere. Within NPP and JVP circles, there is increasing talk of drafting a new constitution that would either remove or dilute the 13th Amendment altogether. The logic is simple but cynical: once Provincial Council elections are held under the current 13th Amendment framework, the legitimacy of the devolution model would become difficult to reverse.

By avoiding elections, the government keeps the 13A system dormant, clearing the path for a new constitutional structure that centralises power in Colombo. This manoeuvre allows the NPP to pursue what it calls a “rationalised governance model” without ever confronting the moral or political implications of rolling back devolution.

In essence, the delay in PC elections is not an administrative oversight but a deliberate political strategy: a prelude to a constitutional project that sidelines the very principle of power-sharing that underpins post-war reconciliation.

The moral burden on the JVP

This contradiction strikes at the heart of the JVP’s political evolution. The same movement that once branded the Provincial Council system a “foreign imposition” has, over the years, benefited from it politically. Many of its leaders have served within provincial frameworks or contested under arrangements enabled by 13A. To now undermine that structure is to repudiate not only their own history but also the sacrifices of those who envisioned devolution as the cornerstone of post-conflict stability.

If the South chooses to reject the PC system, it is still the JVP’s moral and political responsibility to ensure that the Northern and Eastern provinces are allowed to function under it. Genuine reconciliation requires asymmetry: the courage to give autonomy where it is most needed, not where it is politically convenient.

A missed opportunity for unity

Decentralisation is not a foreign concept. Across the democratic world, from Europe to Australia, local governance remains the backbone of efficient and accountable administration. Sri Lanka’s insistence on governing every aspect of life from the centre has only produced inefficiency, inequality, and mistrust.

The NPP had a chance to change that narrative, to prove that a left-leaning government could also be pragmatic, inclusive, and respectful of constitutional obligations. Instead, it has chosen the comfort of control over the challenge of reform.

Conclusion

The erosion of trust between the Tamil community and the state did not happen overnight. It has been built through decades of broken promises and political manipulation. The NPP now risks adding its name to that long list of betrayals.

By stalling Provincial Council elections and preparing a constitution that excludes or weakens the 13th Amendment, the government is not modernising governance; it is entrenching mistrust.

True leadership would mean honouring past commitments, holding elections under existing law, and building a more inclusive system through dialogue, not through avoidance. Until that happens, the promise of a new political culture will remain just another slogan in Sri Lanka’s long history of unfulfilled reform.