By Athulasiri Samarakoon –

On 23rd July 2025, the Bandaranaike National Memorial Fund (BNMF) held a celebration to mark the 80th birthday of Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, former President of Sri Lanka, and to commemorate her twenty years of service to the institution. She is currently the Chairperson of two academic institutions under the BNMF: the Bandaranaike Center for International Studies (BCIS) and the Bandaranaike Academy for Leadership and Public Policy (BALPP). Both institutions are widely recognized and immensely popular among students and academics for their focus on International Relations and Public Policy.

Several dignitaries and admirers of her leadership were invited to the event, including Shiv Shankar Menon, former Indian National Security Advisor. In his guest speech, Menon praised Kumaratunga for steering the country through one of its most challenging periods, acknowledging her efforts to keep the nation intact amidst internal conflict and complex regional dynamics. This milestone invites a reflection on her tenure, particularly on foreign policy, peacebuilding, and democratic reforms during the years marked by violence and political and economic uncertainty.

CBK’s Relations with India

The Bandaranaikes, founders of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), had traditionally maintained cordial and transparent relations with India. Similarly, following the 1994 election victory of the People’s Alliance (PA) under her leadership, President Kumaratunga was able to revive Sri Lanka’s relationship with India, significantly improving ties after years of strain. Early in her administration, the governments of Sri Lanka, India, and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) collaborated to repatriate thousands of Sri Lankan refugees residing in South India. According to parliamentary records, the government planned to bring back approximately 5,500 refugees who had agreed to return home.

President Kumaratunga paid a state visit to India in March 1995, primarily to discuss the deteriorating domestic economic situation and the military conflict with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), and to seek India’s assistance. The Hindu editorial on 31 March 1995 praised the progress made during bilateral discussions, noting India’s offer of tariff concessions on certain Sri Lankan export items and a $30 million credit facility to enhance trade and economic cooperation. Since 1990, Sri Lanka’s imports from India had grown substantially, though the potential for expanded trade and investment remained high. Both countries prioritized regional cooperation through mechanisms like SAPTA, aiming to foster a more integrated South Asian economic environment. Issues such as fishermen’s rights and refugee repatriation were also key discussion points, reflecting shared regional challenges.

Unlike previous United National Party (UNP) governments, which often mishandled India’s role in regional security, the People’s Alliance (PA) government under CBK openly embraced closer ties with India. Even as the LTTE maintained its hardline military stance, Kumaratunga’s administration pursued political solutions and peace talks. The government’s diplomatic efforts began to shift international perceptions in its favor. Clearly, the Narasimha Rao government supported Sri Lanka’s peace process. At the same time, both governments actively worked to isolate the LTTE internationally. This dual approach of seeking peace while exposing the LTTE’s violent methods can be seen as a realistic and pragmatic strategy, given Sri Lanka’s limited military capacity and its desire to maintain democratic legitimacy in the eyes of the international community.

The signing of the India–Sri Lanka Free Trade Agreement (ISLFTA) on 28 December 1998 marked a major step toward strengthening economic ties. The agreement aimed to promote trade expansion and economic cooperation while ensuring fair competition. It included a “negative list” of protected goods, limiting full liberalization. Nevertheless, the ISLFTA helped Sri Lanka increase its exports to India and attracted Indian investment, both of which were vital amid the ongoing conflict. Scholars argue that India’s economic engagement was part of its broader security strategy—deepening regional trade to consolidate influence—while Sri Lanka used these ties to support peace efforts and maintain domestic autonomy.

In defense matters, India continued to train the Sri Lankan military but refrained from arms sales. When the LTTE captured the strategically important Elephant Pass in 2000, India declined requests for military intervention, cautious after the painful IPKF experience. In the absence of direct Indian military assistance, Sri Lanka turned to China for support, underscoring the limitations of India’s “hands-off” policy at the time. Despite this, military-to-military relations remained cordial. Alongside India, Sri Lanka engaged with other major powers—including the US, UK, EU, Russia, China, South Korea, and Japan—to balance its international relations and attract diplomatic and economic support during a difficult decade.

Sri Lanka–USA Relations

In the post-Cold War period, US interest in Sri Lanka’s strategic value diminished, with greater focus on political stability and counterterrorism rather than military expansion in the Indian Ocean. Military assistance was limited; for instance, the US provided surplus military trucks and equipment in the late 1990s but refrained from major arms deals. A significant diplomatic win for CBK’s government came when the US formally designated the LTTE as a Foreign Terrorist Organization in August 1997, curtailing its international support network.

Nevertheless, US officials, including envoy Bill Richardson, expressed interest in resolving the ethnic conflict through peaceful means, emphasizing the need for bipartisan cooperation within Sri Lanka. Also, some critics viewed the US approach as increasingly commercial, prioritizing trade expansion while promoting democratic ideals. The US Department of State’s Annual Human Rights Reports struck a careful balance, criticizing both government and LTTE abuses while broadly supporting the government’s efforts to maintain order. This diplomatic approach stood in contrast to the more critical stance of the European Union on Sri Lanka’s human rights record.

One contentious issue was the continued operation of the US-backed Voice of America (VOA) radio station in Sri Lanka. Originally established during the Cold War, the VOA facility at Iranavila attracted opposition from leftist parties, who feared it compromised national sovereignty and could serve intelligence or military purposes. The PA government faced internal debate but ultimately upheld the agreement, navigating domestic criticism and international diplomacy. During this period, bilateral treaties with the US covered military cooperation, development aid, environmental programs, and extradition agreements, reflecting a multifaceted relationship. Economically, the US remained Sri Lanka’s largest export market, particularly for garments, contributing to a strong trade surplus that bolstered the island’s fragile economy.

Relations with the European Union and United Kingdom

Sri Lanka’s historical ties with the UK remained relevant despite Britain’s diminished global economic role after 1990. The EU emerged as a powerful player due to its regulatory influence and normative agenda on human rights, minority protection, gender equality, and labor standards. This was especially important given the large Tamil diaspora, over 200,000 in Europe by 1990 that supported LTTE fundraising and advocacy abroad.

To counter this, the PA government adopted a liberal peace approach to gain Western trust. As a result, many European countries officially designated the LTTE a terrorist organization, criticizing its rejection of Kumaratunga’s political settlement proposals. When the LTTE violated ceasefires, Western powers including the EU, US, Canada, Australia, Japan, Russia, and India condemned its actions in unison. At the 12th Non-Aligned Movement Summit in South Africa (1998), President Kumaratunga highlighted the need to ratify international conventions against terrorist bombings. Despite her military and diplomatic campaigns to suppress the LTTE, she prioritized peace efforts and later publicly apologized to the Tamil community for the violence inflicted on them. Her leadership consistently blended liberal democratic values with realist pragmatism.

Leftist Orientation and Alliance with the JVP

A notable yet often understated dimension of CBK’s leadership was her strong leftist orientation. As a political heir of the Bandaranaike legacy, she sympathized with socialist and Marxist ideals, which shaped her policies. In speeches and private conversations with the Academic Board of BCIS (where I had the privilege of listening to her), she often expressed her fondness for Marxist thought and leftist world leaders. Her higher studies at the Sorbonne and involvement in student movements likely shaped this worldview further influenced by her childhood exposure to leftist political discussions at home, as she once recalled through her “eavesdropping” as a child.

This leftist sympathy, particularly for rural, unemployed, Swabhasha-educated youth, was evident in her role in bringing the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) into mainstream politics. The JVP, once a radical movement involved in two insurrections, was banned in 1983 and brutally suppressed in the late 1980s. Strategically, they pledged conditional support for CBK’s 1994 presidential candidacy. In 2004, the JVP secured 39 parliamentary seats through an alliance with the SLFP-led United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA). CBK’s efforts to rehabilitate the JVP’s image helped stabilize Sri Lanka’s leftist political space.

Although the JVP later withdrew over disagreements on a post-tsunami deal with the LTTE, their resurgence marked the revival of leftist influence. Today, the JVP-led National People’s Power (NPP) is in power, albeit while pursuing an IMF-led economic agenda. CBK’s leftist legacy helped make space for progressive forces, shaping both her domestic and foreign policy priorities around justice, equality, and solidarity with non-aligned nations.

Tamil Concerns and Sinhalese Nationalism

Sri Lanka’s Tamil community voiced legitimate concerns over political recognition, minority rights, and cultural autonomy, concerns rooted in long-standing marginalization. President Kumaratunga sought to address these through a Package of Constitutional Reforms aimed at devolving power to Tamil-majority regions. She also launched the Sudu Neluma (White Lotus) movement, led by Mangala Samaraweera, to build Sinhalese support for peace and reconciliation.

Yet the LTTE’s refusal to accept negotiated settlements prolonged the war. Simultaneously, hardline Sinhalese nationalist forces, including the UNP, obstructed peace efforts. A symbolic and shocking act was the burning of CBK’s proposed Constitution in Parliament by a UNP MP revealing the violent masculinist, chauvinistic, and racist opposition to reconciliation. The dual challenge of LTTE intransigence and Sinhalese nationalist resistance produced a deadlock. CBK’s leadership navigated this tightrope, condemning violence while advocating Tamil rights and unity. In 2000, during her presidential campaign in Colombo, CBK survived a suicide bombing that cost her one eye. Despite the trauma, she called for calm and unity, demonstrating resilience and reinforcing her commitment to peace.

Conclusion

President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s tenure, which began in the shadow of state-led violence, was defined by her efforts to preserve national unity amidst civil war and shifting geopolitics. Her success in rebuilding relations with India, securing international support, and isolating the LTTE underscored her diplomatic skill. While she denounced terrorism, she remained committed to political solutions and reconciliation. Her leftist beliefs shaped her inclusive domestic policy and willingness to empower marginalized political actors like the JVP. As she turns 80, CBK’s legacy remains significant marked by courage, vision, and a commitment to democratic governance. Reflecting on her leadership offers hope for a Sri Lanka built on peace, justice, and pluralism.