
By Jehan Perera –

Jehan Perera
The government’s approach to major national issues so far appears to be one of caution and of continuing in the direction set by its predecessor. This is most clearly visible in its adherence to the IMF agreement and its conditions. The government has retained key officials dealing with the economy despite having subjected them to criticism in the run up to the presidential election. The government has also adopted the same cautious approach with regard to the almost immediate international challenge it faced in the form of the UNHRC Resolution 50/1 that came up for decision in Geneva last week. The government followed the same policy as practiced by its two predecessor governments headed by presidents Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Ranil Wickremesinghe, though it framed its rejection of the resolution in more conciliatory language.
Critics of the government have sought to point out that it is reaping the benefits of the policies introduced by the previous government which it denounced for taking those very decisions. However, the caution is likely to continue till the general elections take place on November 14. This has been beneficial to the country’s economic and social stability and is not to be caviled at. There was considerable concern expressed by business leaders in the country and also the IMF and international community that the economy was on a knife edge and could plunge into a negative state if there was a change of government. This may explain the unprecedented initiatives taken by the government to ensure that there was no post-election violence. These included the president’s call that the people were not to celebrate his victory in the traditional manner by cooking and eating milk rice and lighting fire crackers. Such actions in the past led to violence, destroyed innocent lives and harmed the country’s reputation and attractiveness to foreign investors.
The government strategy for the forthcoming general election is based on consolidating its success, and good reputation gained at the presidential election. The vast majority of the voters who made up the 42 percent who voted for President Anura Kumara Dissanayake did so in the form of a protest vote. They saw no benefit to them in voting on traditional lines while those they voted for would enjoy the best the country had to offer. They were rejecting the other candidates whom they saw as offering little or nothing new in terms of either development policy or cleaning up the corruption that has become part and parcel of a system. This time around, however, the government expects a positive vote which is likely to occur in most parts of the country. At the general election the government will be seeking a vote of confidence from a larger group of voters who will be approving of their first two months in power.
Minds Meet
It was noteworthy that the president did not obtain the majority of votes in those parts of the country in which the ethnic and religious minorities predominate. This may be on account of the fact that for the past six decades since it was formed, the JVP which is the mother party of the NPP did not support the aspirations of the ethnic and religious minorities. Instead they shared the view of narrow nationalist sections of the ethnic and religious majority about the threat posed by them to the country’s unity and sovereignty due to their demands. During the presidential election campaign, President Dissanayake recognized the harm these old attitudes had done. He gave speeches that demonstrated a perfect understanding of the discriminatory practices in the past in relation to the minorities. He empathized with their sufferings and pledged to make a genuine effort to solve their problems.
After the first three weeks of the new government’s performance the ethnic and religious minorities appear to be reassured that the NPP is not the JVP they once knew and feared. During a recent visit to the east, and meeting with the Tamil and Muslim civil society, religious clergy and academics there, the impression was of a meeting of minds that encompassed the entire country regardless of ethnicity or religion. The desire for “system change” and for “new faces” is universal. Accompanying this was an antipathy towards the traditional political parties of the north and east, and of the politicians whom they had elected time and again but who had failed to deliver the results that would improve their lives.
At the present time there is no counterpart to the NPP in the areas in which the ethnic and religious minorities predominate. It is therefore likely that many of them will want to vote for the NPP at the forthcoming general elections just like their fellow citizens who belong to the ethnic and religious majority. The fact that nothing controversial has happened to rock the boat or sink the economy in the past three weeks would strengthen their willingness to opt for the new political party and for new leaders. Just as in the rest of the country, there appears to be a popular mood in favour of rejecting those who have not delivered positive results for the past seven decades and to welcome the new. The NPP needs to be more hardheaded in their selection of candidates. Those who have been loyal to the party and won the trust of the party hierarchy, but are little known to the voting public, may not necessarily be the ones that the people have confidence in.
Limited Consultation
It appears that in the east, and perhaps north too, limited consultations took place within the local areas with regard to the choice of candidates that the NPP has put forward for election. There were concerns in this vein expressed in the east that need to be heard. The candidates appear to have been selected in an exclusive rather than an inclusive manner by the party’s decision making bodies. This may not be a problem in the areas where the JVP has traditionally obtained votes and had their membership which has been visible and known to the people in those areas. However, in areas in which the ethnic and religious minorities predominate, the NPP members are less well known and less visible. This may call for a more intense process of consultation with the larger civil society to identify those candidates who have served the people well and obtained recognition from them.
If the above is the first challenge that the government needs to address, the second is for the government to express its commitment to the devolution of power which is an article of faith to the ethnic and religious minorities, as well as to the international community. In his election manifesto and speeches President Dissanayake pledged to implement the devolution of power which is laid down in the 13th Amendment to the constitution, but which the past two governments failed to activate. In any democracy, it is the majority that governs. Where ethnic and religious identities come into play, there will be permanent majorities and permanent minorities that the electoral system cannot make equal. It is only through devolution of power to provincial governments that are elected by local majorities that minorities can feel a sense of inclusion.
A three phase programme is recommended in this regard by civil society members in the east. The first would be the implementation of the 13th Amendment, even in its current truncated form, by conducting the provincial council elections without further delay. Second would be to restore to the 13th Amendment those powers that have not yet been devolved on purpose, although they are specified in the constitution, or that have been chipped away deliberately or through neglect. Third would be to improve the scheme of devolution in the comprehensive constitutional reform programme that the government has pledged to undertake. Apart from facilitating development by recognizing that different regions have different economic needs and opportunities, the principle of devolution also pays heed to the wise words of the Norwegian peace scholar, Prof Johan Galtung who said in Sri Lanka during the time of the LTTE war, “We prefer to be ruled by our own kind even if they are a little unkind.” The process of consultation on these and other matters needs to commence sooner rather than later.
Nathan / October 16, 2024
… This is most clearly visible in its adherence to the IMF agreement.
The ‘this’ above refers to, – The government’s approach of continuity of the direction set by its predecessor.
Not exactly. The conditions of the IMF agreement have proven to be inflexible.
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Naman / October 16, 2024
CONCERNING, the entire Country as such, at this juncture/time WE should NOT bring in the 9 Provincial Governments. It will be huge waste of money and will create more problems.
The 13th Amendment to the CONSTITUTION was brought more than three decades ago in order to solve the Tamil Speaking SL citizens aspirations. It was definitely SUITED to
bring in HARMONY at that time.
But the various Governments failed to IMPLEMENT it. Who knows had it been FAITHFULLY implemented lots of deaths and destruction could have been avoided. AND our economy would not have suffered.
If AKD can make the Government of SL
to be fair one to all the ETHNIC and RELIGIOUS groups, SRI LANKA doesn’t need Provincial Governments.
AKD should not allow
—the racist lay or clergy to RAISE their heads AGAIN.
—Violence against the minorities
AKD needs to bring in the New Constitution first before having any kind of Elections
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Sinhala_Man / October 18, 2024
Hear, hear!
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A Tamil who understands the practicalities. Yes, the Provincial Councils will entail meaningless expense, I have never objected to some asking for them.
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Tamils naturally see this as perhaps the only thing that you’ve won from “us”.
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However, see what this excellent English YouTube from Harshana N, says:
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SfZJy5HZxKA&t=688s
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He says that the (Supreme? – can’t remember) Court ruling makes it mandatory. These are real dilemmas.
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Not like horrible Ranil’s pettifogging – is that the word? I’m tired!
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nimal fernando / October 16, 2024
“The government’s approach to major national issues so far appears to be one of caution and of continuing in the direction set by its predecessor. This is most clearly visible in its adherence to the IMF agreement and its conditions. The government has retained key officials dealing with the economy”
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All that is fine and dandy ……. since they are doing it without the corruption and the wastage of the former governments. ……. Do you have a clue how difficult for a large ship to turn without tipping over? ……. It takes time to do it safely.
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Contrary to what many expected …… the JVP are not acting like bulls in a china shop. ……. They are doing it slowly, deliberately and methodically. …… The “boys/sahodarayas” have matured.
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paragon / October 17, 2024
IT APPEARS THAT NPP-JVP ADMINISTRATIONS SYSTEM CHANGE DO NOT APPLY TO NORTH-EAST TAMILS.ANURAKUMARA IS DOING THE SAME THING THAT MAHINDA DID AS ANURA IS GOING ROUND TO MEET ALL LEADING BUDDIST LEADERS AND TEMPLES SO THAT IS THE END OF RECONCILIATION WITH TAMILS.
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Sinhala_Man / October 18, 2024
Paragon, I’ve given you a dislike!
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A few days ago, I linked readers to some “data” on AKD where he is described as a Christian. His Wikipedia entry now says that his father was an “Office Worker”!
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anura_Kumara_Dissanayake
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Just checked; I’m hoping that it will change back to what the Britannica has:
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https://www.britannica.com/place/Sri-Lanka
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Re-checked! See how we waste our time!! You should know that Anura’s son has married an Anglican, Lisa Mendis – in Holy Emmanuel, Moratuwa. Goes against caste as well, as CBK did in marrying Vijaya. I was brought up an Anglican. Please Google these two words: Thomian Pharisees, to see what I think of what I think about the Cheating Church. Would there were no religions!!
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The story is that Anura married his mother’s younger sister! Do you really believe such rot?! Why the devil can’t Anura go to a temple?
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Sinhala_Man / October 18, 2024
paragon,
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I’ve just seen this:
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0dhxqCjlU9g
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I’m hoping that Kamala Devi, the Tamil gal, will become POTUS, but there are two sides to how we have to feel about Hamas. Balfour had no right to promise Zionists a state more than a hundred years ago to fight a meaningless first W.W.
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We constantly come face to face with the fact that there are so many dilemmas for us.
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But how refreshing to hear what Harshana has said just hours ago (the time now is 01:35 AM) – and I’ve made two comments there.
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No, three now!
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Look wheresoever we may, we have reason for serious concern.
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Whilst we are about it, paragon, you write yours pseudonym entirely in lower case, but your comments entirely in UPPER case, contrary to CT deadlines.
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Dr. Gnana Sankaralingam / October 18, 2024
NPP will painfully come to grips that dignity and self respect of an ethnic group is above mundane matters like full stomachs.
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SebastianSR / October 17, 2024
“We prefer to be ruled by our own kind even if they are a little unkind.”
This a RACIST statement that should not be quoted.
The 13A, or 13A+ does not mean that a Tamil must be the ruler of Tamils. Nor should the ruler of Hindus be a Hindu. SJVC was a staunch Christian and his father was a Malayan. What 13A, 13A+ imply is that the people of the North and the East will have sufficient powers to manage their affairs.
How does Jehan Perera define “his own kind”? Does he regard himself as a Sinhalese and that only a Sinhalese should be the President of Lanka? So, even these NGO gurus, and Norweigian deplomats who talk of reconcilliation are inherently biased, racist and fail to understand the principles of diversity, equity and inclusion.
I think Sinhalese would have accepted Lakshman Kadirgamar as their President if he could have stood for the Presidency,. He was shot down by the LTTE. The best solution to the problem is Federalism, not 13A. Unfortunately, even 13A requires TRUST among the two ethnic groups. This is sadly lacking especially among the older generation of Tamil and Sinhala leaders. However, I think the younger people have moved away and so there is a chance that things will improve. Note that Ariyanethiran got only 1.7% of the votes of the Tamil demographic which is some 12%-15%.
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LankaScot / October 17, 2024
Hello SebastianSR,
Where does this mindset expressed in “We prefer to be ruled by our own kind even if they are a little unkind” come from?
Two points –
1 – We don’t want to be ruled by anyone, kind or unkind, Politicians are our Representatives not our Rulers.
2 – What is our “own kind”? Is it Ethnicity, Mother Tongue, Race, Caste, Political Affiliation, Religion or DNA analysis?
In reality our own kind is Homo Sapiens, we are all Human.
Best regards
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Dr. Gnana Sankaralingam / October 18, 2024
History has numerous examples of people rising against foreign rulers to install their own rule. Same way Tamils are demanding restoration of their lost sovereignty over parts of the land occupied by others. Good opportunity has come to Tamils to regain their status to live in dignity and safety in their traditional homeland. NPP will mess up the issue leading to history repeating itself.
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Leonard Jayawardena / October 17, 2024
Author:
“We prefer to be ruled by our own kind even if they are a little unkind” (quoting an utterance of “Norwegian peace scholar” Prof Johan Galtung while in Sri Lanka during the time of the LTTE war).
This is racism pure and simple. Isn’t this a mild form of saying, “We prefer to be ruled by our own kind even if they whip our backside daily rather than by those who pinch us occasionally if they are not of our kind”?
Don’t those who decry the signing of the Kandyan Convention of 1815 as a betrayal share the same racist attitude as did those who wanted to see the end of British rule in Sri Lanka under the illusion that the natives would be better able to manage their own affairs?
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Sinhala_Man / October 18, 2024
Leonard: there are too many articles for me to read at the moment.
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I’ve just read your comment, and seeing 4 DISLIKES, I’ve just given it a LIKE. (And later, a LIKE to the Sebastian comment.)
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I’ve not kept a count of ALL this DISLIKES that I have given you, but on this I probably agree with you. Racism has been the bane of this country, and it’s time we recognised it.
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I’ve got problems of my own, and I won’t try to read Jehan Perera’s article.
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I support AKD to the hilt, and the main reason may be because he, too, is absolutely against racism. If some Tamils fear that he isn’t, let them take cognisance of the fact that he has to win this election with mainly Sinhalese support; and if you scratch them, most Sinhalese are unconsciously racist.
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We have to make a stand on this!
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Panini Edirisinhe
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Ajith / October 17, 2024
“JVP which is the mother party of the NPP did not support the aspirations of the ethnic and religious minorities.”
If JVP wants to continue with such mentality, that will be disastrous to the NPP rule. One third of the population of Sri Lanka constitutes this group and if they unite NPP will not achieve what want through system change. JVP should realise that it is the aspirations of the ethnic and religious gave an opportunity to the NPP to become the executive president and to make at least few changes. It is also a warning for Tamils and Muslims of the country to be aware of the possible threats to their identity.
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Dayan / October 18, 2024
AKD’s Rise to Power: Capitalizing on Public Discontent and Navigating a Complex Political Landscape
AKD’s ascent to the presidency can largely be attributed to his ability to harness widespread frustration with the traditional political parties. By tapping into the growing disenchantment among the population, AKD successfully positioned himself as an alternative to the long-standing political elites, whom many believed were responsible for the country’s socio-political woes.
Leadership and Legacy: The True Measure of a Change Agent
True leadership is defined not by short-term popularity but by the willingness to make bold, future-oriented decisions, even at the cost of one’s own political standing or personal safety. A genuine change agent seeks to pave the way for future generations, prioritizing long-term prosperity over immediate gains.
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Dayan / October 18, 2024
Cautious Governance and Public Realization of a Transitional Period
Currently, AKD appears to be treading carefully in his approach to governance. Public sentiment reflects an understanding that a caretaker government cannot enact sweeping policy changes, further tempering expectations. However, a cautious approach risks diminishing his momentum as a transformative leader.
Economic Prosperity Requires Bold Decisions, Not Just Anti-Corruption Measures
While tackling corruption and punishing wrongdoers are essential, they are not the sole ingredients for economic success. Sustainable economic growth depends on bold, strategic decisions that can gradually elevate the country to stronger global standing. Drawing comparisons to Singapore’s economic rise, AKD’s leadership will be tested on whether he can implement such policies.
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old codger / October 18, 2024
Dayan,
“While tackling corruption and punishing wrongdoers are essential, they are not the sole ingredients for economic success. “
The JVP has successfully sold the story that corruption, aka “stolen money” is the root of all our economic problems. Take that story about Rajapaksa billions in Uganda; a simple Google check reveals that Uganda’s entire foreign reserves are just 4.9 billion USD.
The masses who criticize mismanagent were the main beneficiaries of it They got lots of handouts, fuel at unsustainable prices, low taxes, etc. But now they act as if they had nothing to do with it.
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Dayan / October 18, 2024
The Dangers of Federalism and Ethnic Division
Proposals for Tamil or other minority groups to govern themselves through mechanisms like federalism or the 13th Amendment (13A) have historically failed to bring lasting peace and harmony. In fact, prior to 1987, violent clashes between paramilitary groups demonstrated the internal struggles among minority factions themselves. These historical lessons remain a critical point for study and reflection.
AKD’s Leadership in Addressing Ethnic Tensions: A Test of Statesmanship
Whether AKD harbors racist tendencies or not, the real question is whether he possesses the courage to quell divisive voices that threaten ethnic harmony. His ability to foster trust and bring unity among diverse communities will define his legacy as a true statesman.
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Dayan / October 18, 2024
NPP Policies: Unclear Path Toward a Prosperous Future
As of now, many remain unconvinced that the National People’s Power (NPP) party’s policies will set the country on a prosperous path. The lack of clear indicators that signal economic or social progress has left doubts about the future trajectory under AKD’s leadership.
A Ticking Clock: Public Patience May Run Thin
It may only be a matter of time before the public begins to see the cracks in AKD’s governance. Without tangible improvements in their daily lives, citizens may soon realize that promises of change were more symbolic than substantive, leading to increased dissatisfaction.
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