26 October, 2020

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CONFLICT, REFORM & RECONCILIATION

By Dayan Jayatilleka

Dr.Dayan Jayatilleka

The New Year brought a valuable gift in my email. It was a dossier entitled ‘Seeking Space for State Reform’ and carried an even more beguiling subtitle, ‘Consensus and Contradictions in Public Perceptions’.  A publication of the ICES (the International Centre for Ethnic Studies, from and of which I hadn’t heard for quite a while), it was a product of the Politics of State Reform Project. What made it compelling reading was that it was nothing less than a ‘National Survey of Grassroots Perceptions of State Reform’, which, translated, meant that it was a recent survey of public opinion across all communities, about the ethnic conflict and the  various reform proposals to address or resolve it.

The statistics of the survey conducted from June to mid August 2010 reveal the problem, but also indicate the solution.  At its starkest the problem is that a shade over half of Sri Lankan Tamils polled, appear to think that the solution to Sri Lanka’s travails is an independent Tamil state. Simply put, 54% of Sri Lanka’s Tamils (who comprise 14% of the sample) support a separate state, i.e. a Tamil Eelam. Set that against 95% of Sri Lankan Sinhalese (who comprise 72% of the sample) who stand for a unitary – that’s right, unitary, not merely united—form of state, with a stratospheric 96% of the view that the unitary state is “necessary to prevent the disintegration of the country”. This is also the view of the third largest community, which is the second largest minority, namely the Sri Lankan Moors, 90% of whom agree that a unitary state is “necessary to maintain a sense of national unity”. So, the Sri Lankan problem is the probably unbridgeable chasm between a plurality of the minority Tamils who are for a separate state and a near-totality of the Sinhalese majority and the Muslim minority, who are for a unitary state.

The country’s tragedy however, has been that the nationalists are not moderate or are insufficiently so, while the moderates are not nationalist or are inadequately so.

The second chasm is between 90% of Sinhala opinion which holds terrorism responsible for the conflict and the much lower 42% of SL Tamil opinion that holds the same view. In political terms, the refusal of the TNA to denounce Tiger terrorism is unlikely to render that party more acceptable to the Sinhala majority which it has to convince or at least ensure the benign neutrality of, if it is to obtain the reforms it seeks.

Is federalism a simple and obvious solution perhaps? No, because here too the gap is as wide as to be unbridgeable, with almost 90% of SL Tamils for it and nearly 80% of Sinhalese opposed. Sinhala opinion may have been more malleable had the Tamil preference for federalism accompanied a Tamil majority option for a single, united Sri Lanka; in other words if a majority of Tamil opinion were for a federal solution and simultaneously against an independent state for the Tamils. Matters are perceived far less sympathetically when the option for federalism lies alongside the option for a separate state. This understandably reinforces Sinhala misgivings that federalism will not be an alternative but an enabler for secession and is therefore far too risky an experiment.

Coupled with the low degree of acceptance among the Sinhalese of the Indo-Lanka agreement, regional autonomy and the Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga ‘packages’ of 1995-2000, it would seem at first glance that there is no intermediate solution. Interestingly the CBK proposals are the single most unpopular of all reform proposals among the Sinhalese (with a 67% disapproval rating, higher than that of the Indo-Lanka accord, with 63%).

Happily, there is an intermediate solution; a saddle-point. Going by the ICES figures, the Sinhala people are not dogmatically in favor of an unreformed unitary state. Theirs is not an ironclad conservative or neoconservative mindset. Strikingly, the data reveals that the Sinhalese are sensitive to minority grievances, do not support/are opposed to an unreformed state and are acutely conscious of the dangers of lack of reform.

Significantly, a majority of the Sinhalese (61.8%) also agree that the legitimate grievances of minority communities and lack of equal treatment for all citizens (61.4%) were causes for the conflict.” (p 8)

“However, all the communities…including a majority of the Sinhalese (58.9%) disagreed with the statement that there was no need to reform the state.” (p16)

“A majority of the Sinhalese agree along with the minorities that without state reform the minorities would continue to have grievances (80%), continue to be discriminated against (68.7%), development and economic progress would be hampered (76.5%), the international community would not help the country (62.8%) and significantly that even a return to armed conflict was possible (72.2%). These findings indicate a greater awareness among the majority community about the legitimacy of minority demands and the need to provide a constitutional or political settlement to the ethnic conflict despite the decisive defeat of the LTTE by the Sri Lankan state.” (p18)

Senior Minister  and veteran leftist Prof Tissa Vitharana comes across as an unsung hero in that the APRC proposals issuing from the process he chaired “are the only state reform proposals which the Sinhalese seem to find acceptable with a significant majority of people in the ‘agreed to some extent’ and ‘agree’ categories over the ‘disagree’ categories.” (p 15)

Even if one were to consider the APRC as bypassed by the flow of events, the situation remains hopeful because the Sinhalese, though against “regional autonomy” (North-East merger), are fairly solidly in favor of provincial level devolution and a strengthened, not a weakened, system of provincial councils.

84% of Sinhalese think that Provincial Councils give “fair access to resources”, while 85% think that PCs “give all communities a voice at the provincial level” and 76% believe that “PCs will resolve the problems faced by the minority community”.

When the crucial question “can enhanced devolution of powers to the Provincial Councils solve the ethnic conflict?” is posed the study tells us that “In general, when the Agree and Agree to some extent categories are taken together, the findings indicate more support for, than against for Provincial Councils as a solution to the ethnic conflict among all the communities in the country.” (p26)

This conclusion is sharpened in the next segment entitled ‘The most necessary state reform initiatives to solve the ethnic conflict’, the findings of which tell us that:

The full implementation of the Provincial Council Act was approved by all the communities. This was also the level of devolution of power which a majority of Sinhalese (60%) and Sri Lankan Moors (92.3%) found the most acceptable…All the communities support the establishment of a second chamber in parliament and greater power sharing at the centre.” (p27)

The Conclusions of the ICES study clearly re-state the only possible answer to the problem:

The statistics provided above indicate that…Among all the communities, enhanced devolution of power to the provinces is seen as a possible solution to the ethnic conflict. Provincial Councils were the level of devolution of power most acceptable to the Sinhalese and the Sri Lankan Moors. The Sri Lankan and Upcountry Tamils favour greater devolution or a system of federalism like that found in India. What is significant however, is that there is more space for devolution than ever before, because of the Sinhalese support for Provincial Councils, which a significant number of Sri Lankan and Up Country Tamils find acceptable.” (p30)

Every decent opinion survey contains surprises. A big one in the ICES data set is the congruence of opinion among the Sinhalese and Tamils with regard to the West, and more specifically, “a conspiracy by the West to undermine Sri Lanka” as a causative factor of the conflict. Roughly 63% of Sinhalese and 70% of SL Tamils polled – yes, a higher percentage of Tamils than Sinhalese—holds that this is a factor.

Going by the ICES figures, mainstream Sinhala nationalist opinion (as distinct from that of Sinhala ultranationalist opinion) seems more moderate than mainstream Tamil nationalist opinion.

The results of elections after the Arab Spring show that citizens in that region are increasingly opting for a moderate nationalism (and a modern, liberal Islam). The results of the ICES survey show that the great majority of Sri Lanka’s citizens are also moderate nationalists. The country’s tragedy however, has been that the nationalists are not moderate or are insufficiently so, while the moderates are not nationalist or are inadequately so.

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    “… opinion among the Sinhalese and Tamils with regard to the West, and more specifically, “a conspiracy by the West to undermine Sri Lanka” as a causative factor of the conflict. Roughly 63% of Sinhalese and 70% of SL Tamils polled – yes, a higher percentage of Tamils than Sinhalese—holds that this is a factor.”

    This proves that public opinion is shaped by the information that the public receives. Government-controlled or compliant media have been plugging this notion for years. One shouldn’t, therefore, be surprised when the public opinion is consistent with the messages.

    An extreme example of this can be found in North Korea where the population is almost unanimous in its belief that Kim Il Sung is immortal and divine…because the TV announcer said so!

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      30 years Tamils wasted everything with mr. praba. they must stop praying to that Shiva Lingam and become Christian or Muslim

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      So this is the opinion of the Tamil who in fact supports terrorism. The fact of the matter is that no matter how backward the Northern Tamils are they are made to believe that they hold the solutions to all the problems. Everyone in the south bar the Tamils believe that if the Tamils are willing to admit that asking for 50% of teh seats in the State Council by Ponnamblam was the mind of a man who believed like the Jews that he was tyhe chosen man of his gods. In law a man who hears voices asking him to lead his people out of teh desert should be locked up in a mental hospital.

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        no peter , yes. Sometimes god spekn in mysterious ways. Not like the text in Bible, Torahs and Kurahans. Its like a sign. When “our people” understand that we are all from one mother and father which is Adam & Stevee we can be our people. I’m drunk gout night.

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        Yes, this is a voice of a true racist who lives aboard in some rat hole in France and then boasts of being a patriot by seeing only the ills of the Tamil political leaders. What about the as great ills of the Sinhala political leaders, you half witted dimwit?

        I am a Sinhalese Southerner practicing in the courts in the Southern Province not a pathetic failed ‘journalist’ like this Chetty who was kicked out out of every newspaper office here and had to run abroad to sing at underground stations so that he won’t starve…these are the ‘patriots’ whose extent of patriotism is writing posts on blogs!

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    We need to distinguish between Patriotism and Nationalism. The former is good and the latter is, in my view, evil. An analogy would be the comparison someone who loves children and paedophile. A “moderate” paedophile is still crap and belongs in the same group as a moderate nationalist. A moderate nationalist is the sort who comes up with statements like: “I don’t hate Jews but…….”, or, “You are Tamil and I like you but…….” , etc.

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      And what doe you expect us to believe you if you say you are against terrorism whereas you want to separate and have a parliament of terrorists?

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        What the hell are you talking of, Cheety or Chetty?? Why do you equate all Tamils with terrorists? Get your facts right.

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    Patriotism refers to a fatherland. But what if we think of ourselves to be the children of a motherland? Shouldn’t we have a word to describe that, eg ‘matriotism’?

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    I must say that I am not at all moved by nationalism which, as far as people like me are concerned, is an outdated, nineteenth century concept. The reality of the times we live in has brought us to an awareness of planetary issues, eg climate change, global warming and globalization. While these issues are affecting us planetarily they are also visible outside our windows so they are both local and global. In every sense, nationalism has been superseded by a planetary outlook. Only in the febrile and narrow-minded imaginations of chauvinist nationalists does the nation-state still exist. The capitalist reality is global while nature’s is that of bio-regions.

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    Lies, Damn Lies and Statistics – a popular saying.
    Statstics can be interpreted in many ways.
    It would have been more interesting if a survey had been done on the state of Human Rights, Rule of Law, educational qualifications of parliamentarians, and,
    what citizens beleive are adequate qualifications of would-be parliamentarians,top public servants,diplomats,presidential advisers and governers.
    Also, the opinion of citizens on the present state of governance.

    But such opinion surveys could be dangerous – the truth may be unpalatable to those who control the destiny of the country.

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    I wonder why Colombo Telegraph decided to insert a photograph of a Buddhist monk in an aggressive mood, under the caption: “The country’s tragedy however, has been that the nationalists are not moderate or are insufficiently so, while the moderates are not nationalist or are inadequately so.”
    The monk (or is it a man in a robe?) looked like one of those protesting on the streets of Colombo, along with the LTTE-backed JVP terrorist wing who are now in the process of creating chaos in the university system.
    Photographs like this are the bread and butter of anti-Sri Lanka, anti Sinhala/Buddhist propagandists, who want to paint a picture of the Buddhists as anti-Tamil and racists. Why not carry a photo of the TNA members as well, who are demanding a mono-ethnic, monolingual separate province – if this is not ultra-nationalist, racism, what is it?
    By the way, how do you categorize a ultra-nationalist Sinhala/Buddhist racist? Is it a person or persons who identify the Tigers as terrorists and who are against the separation of the country into two?

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    Only this country will allow a born wheeer deeler like Dayan who tries to project himself as ‘moderate’ to wax so long and so nauseatingly about where he thinks the country should go! All the while, while he stays in foreign climes and enjoys the best that this regime who has totally destroyed our democratic way of life can give him. Is there no end to this hypocrisy?

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