By Mohamed Harees –

Lukman Harees

“History is much more the product of chaos than of conspiracy” ― Zbigniew Brzezinski

A conspiracy theory is an explanation for an event or situation that asserts the existence of a conspiracy by powerful and sinister groups, often political in motivation, when other explanations are more probable. In fact, there are a lot of books that attempt to understand the lure of conspiracy theories and their effect on our lives. The repetition of these conspiracy theories also brings another reward: power. The book by Gota appears to have been well timed, when talks of an impending elections this year in quest of power. The book appears to be more of a lament than matter as analysts point out.

In his book launched recently, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, former President of Sri Lanka attributed his dramatic ouster by the ‘Aragalaya’ to a conspiracy hatched by ‘certain foreign and local parties’. In an excerpt from his self-published book, this widely discredited leader attempts to divert public attention away from his sheer inefficiency and failure to hold the flock together for his own downfall towards outside conspiracies hatched to oust him. In his book ,by framing his resignation within the context of geopolitical rivalries, particularly between China and other nations, he challenges prevailing narratives surrounding his departure. He tries to project himself as the champion of the majority community when he writes, “The Sinhalese and especially the Sinhala Buddhists are now once again on the back foot. Buddhist culture, history and traditions are once again a subject of derision […] Politicians are more interested in looking after the minorities in order to get their votes at elections than in ensuring the rights of Sinhalese and the Sinhala Buddhists”.

When we talk of Gota’s book, we  also remember war criminal Blair’s memoir’s in 2010. When Tony Blair called his much-awaited memoirs A Journey, there was public outcry and protest by thousands joining to relegate his book to the crime section in bookshops. Gota writing a book presumably to exonerate himself from the ‘crimes’ and policy blunders he committed also should receive similar responses. He was not dethroned due to a conspiracy; rather he was voted to power thanks to a great conspiracy hatched using anti Muslim hatred and Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism as political tools, in the wider background of Post Easter Sunday terror in Sri Lanka and Islamophobia gaining traction in the world at large.

It was his penchant for unchallenged power and his serious lack of accountability, his ability to listen to real experts on various critical issues and the political opportunism of the Rajapaksas using racism as a tool which led Sri Lanka to disaster and his un-ceremonial exit. Analysts also allude immaturity, megalomania, arrogance and corruption, as well, as the main causes for his ouster. However, his book reiterates his refusal to acknowledge any of these factors of accountability for the nation’s downfall, and continues to attribute his ousting to “conspiratorial forces.”

Sri Lanka, once known as the “Pearl of the Indian Ocean” became a bankrupt state in South Asia. Commentators have asserted a wide range of perspectives about the reasons for its failure. Some blame external forces such as debt and geopolitics, while others point out internal factors such as government mismanagement and inefficiency. These analyses underappreciate another one of the core factors underlying this catastrophe: “familycracy,” or a system of government in which one or several families continuously or by turn hold all the political, economic, social, and military power of a state. Rajapaksa family once controlled 70 % of the State resources. Gota’s cabinet signified this aspect.

Gota was, before his election as President, dubbed as dictator/terminator! Well! It was during his time as Defence Secretary, as de facto head of the military, that Gota allegedly authorised torture, rape, extrajudicial killings, abductions and disappearances of Tamil separatists, journalists and opponents, by his own government-endorsed “death squads”. There has never been any accountability for the tens of thousands of disappearances that occurred in the final throes of the war. One particular case that has haunted Gotabaya was the murder of newspaper editor Lasantha Wickrematunge, who was killed by a death squad said to be acting on Gota’s orders. He was also accused of indulging in large-scale fraud during his time as Defence Secretary, including allegedly taking huge kickbacks from defence deals. MiG-jet fraud was one of them.

Speaking about Gota and books, reminds us of two books referring to him. In fact, a book released in Swedish language, based on journalist Johan Mikaelsson’s experiences, visiting Sri Lanka from 1997 quoted Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission Head Ulf Henricsson, describing Gotabaya Rajapaksa as “mentally disturbed and the most awful and unpleasant person” The reason for writing the book, Mikaelsson said, was that impunity is unacceptable. Many journalists got in harm’s way in Sri Lanka. There was also the book, ‘Gota’s War: The Crushing of Tamil Tiger Terrorism in Sri Lanka,’ written by C.A. Chandraprema, a journalist with Divaina, which also courted controversy well. Speaking in parliament, TNA’s Sumanthiran, then posed few uncomfortable questions: “Whose war? It says Gota’s War. And the subtitle says the ‘crushing of Tamil Tiger Terrorism in Sri Lanka.’ Tamil equals Tiger equals Terrorists. That kind of mindset…you can write a book about the war. That is not what I am taking about. I am talking about the language used. You said Tamil Tiger Terrorists. That mindset will never advance any kind of reconciliation in this country”.

Sri Lanka’s economic and political crises seized headlines around the world. Gota acknowledged that he made mistakes that led to the country’s worst economic crisis in decades. During his disastrous tenure of office, from November 2019 to July 2022, Sri Lanka experienced its worst economic crisis since Independence in 1948. Sugar Scam, fertilizer import ban and Covid vaccination deals were among many such scandals. Holding his government led by a misfit cabinet, responsible for their suffering, people from diverse backgrounds took to the streets in a historic protest along Colombo’s seafront and in several other districts across the island. Even the Supreme Court held that Gota and his team including top officials in his government such as Cabraals, PB Jayasunderas , “demonstrably contributed” to the 2022 economic crisis and “violated public trust”. He also strengthened his powers through 20A amendment in the Constitution. He also misused his Presidential powers to pardon even criminals and also take political and economic decisions to the detriment of the country’s interests.    

However, taking no responsibility for the country’s financial collapse, Gota squarely blames in his book “conspiratorial forces” for his removal from office. The economic collapse has also demonstrated the perils of Sri Lanka’s Executive Presidency, as it vests overwhelming power in the office, which enabled the Rajapaksas to adopt autocratic, dictatorial and inept economic policies.

Charu Lata Hogg, a researcher On Sri Lanka at Chatham House in London in a report in 2019, stated Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s return would be a “step backwards” for justice and accountability. Year 2019 was a pivotal year for Sri Lanka. It was in October 2018 that the constitutional coup was engineered by then President Maithripala Sirisena by ousting then PM Ranil Wickremesinghe and appointing Mahinda Rajapaksa. In April 2019, a major tragedy stuck Sri Lanka when an extremist group later identified as NTJ  launched a series of terror attacks on churches and hotels killing over 250 people, majority of them being worshippers at Easter Sunday services. Although later ‘found out’ to be an engineered project of the Rajapaksa camp to regain power, it was at that time looked like a perfect opportunity for an iron hand to take over the reigns of the government to tackle these security related challenges. It also exacerbated uncertainties and apprehension among many who felt national security and the economy needed to be prioritized. The rhetoric pushed by the Rajapaksa camp and their public relations machinery was able to meet the public appetite for a strong leader, feeding into ethno-nationalism and particular ideologies. Many fake stories were floated like Wanda Kothu, Muslim expansionism as well as Dr Shafi related Wanda Beheth. The stage was thus set for the emergence of a Diyasen Kumaraya. Many theme songs were sung to highlight this factor.

It was in this context, that immediately after Easter Sunday attacks, Gota announced himself as a Presidential candidate, projecting as a strongman who can tackle so called ‘Islamist’ extremism /terrorism. Once the election was called, and Rajapaksa formally launched his campaign, many believed that the past will probably matter little to the majority of voters, while Gota will portrayed himself as the man who can restore stability to a troubled island. Ranil Wickremesinghe too in a way helped Gota to be elected President in 2019, and also helped secure the SLPP a two-thirds majority in Parliament in 2020. In fact, as the UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe facing a revolt within the party, refused to hand over all power over to Sajith Premeadasa, to launch the Presidential campaign and stay out of the way, like JRJ did then to pave the way to the populist Premadasa.

Gota announced at the inauguration of his tenure that he was elected by the Sinhala-Buddhist populace and instilled mutual fear among both the majority and the minority communities through his racist and majoritarian policies. Lanka’s current crisis is thus simply the tip of the iceberg: just below the surface is the hydra that is Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism, of which Rajapaksas, specially Mahinda and Gota have been the most virulent proponents, where other communities — notably, Tamils and Muslims — do not belong. Analysts stress Sinhalese-Buddhist nationalism explains why, just one year after independence in 1948, Sri Lanka stripped the citizenship of nearly 1 million Tamils; why Sri Lanka then passed the Sinhala Only Act in 1956 to make Sinhala the only official language; why the police stood by or actively participated in Sinhalese attacks against Tamils in 1956, 1958, and Black July in 1983; why the Constitution affords Buddhism the “foremost place”; why the Jaffna Public Library and its collection of 95,000 ancient Tamil manuscripts was burned to the ground in 1981; and, ultimately, why the majority Sinhalese electorate voted for the Rajapaksas in 2005 and 2019. Gotabaya Rajapaksa was only a symptom of a wider issue. Majority community was taken in for a ride by the opportunistic rulers using this as a power gaining tool.

Postwar years also witnessed the emergence of other extreme nationalist groups in all communities. Ethno-religious violence was witnessed in post war years, with increasing incitement and violence from extreme Sinhala-Buddhist groups including Buddhist clergy targeting both Tamil and Muslim communities, including places of worship and properties, reportedly with State support, evident during the presidencies of Mahinda Rajapaksa (2005–15) and Gotabaya Rajapaksa (2019–22).Racist undertones and sentiments were also evident in commercial, media and professional groups with close ties to the Rajapaksa family and the military; most prominently in the anti-Muslim campaigns in the post war period. Gota also appointed the hate monk Gnanasara as the chair of a controversial ‘One Country One Law’ commission notably to target Muslim personal law while his government began to cremate covid affected Muslim bodies on fake health risk claim, a myth debunked by Who and health experts.   

Under Gota, impunity reined high and rule of law broke down. Many criminals and crooks were set free through Presidential commissions. Laws such as the PTA and the ICCPR Act continued to be in place despite evidence that the PTA has been largely used against both Tamil and Muslim minorities, and the ICCPR Act was weaponized against those critical of Buddhism. Meanwhile, those inciting violence against minorities remain untouched. The contents of the much talked about Easter Sunday attack report was suppressed by Gota which led to many stories about Gota’s ‘direct’ and ‘indirect’ involvement in allowing the Easter tragedy to happen. The Channel 4 documentary reinforced this view further.   

It is thus important to realise that the island’s problems did not start (and will not end) with the Rajapaksas. A real reckoning with Sri Lanka’s past and a sustainable political solution that addresses the aspirations of all sections of the population I paramount to ensure the island as a whole will be more stable, prosperous, and peaceful. Also, without a dramatic shift in the thinking of Sinhala-Buddhist populace regarding the conspiracies of the likes of Rajapaksas to use them to gain their ends as well as Sri Lanka’s institutions, Sri Lanka’s history of crisis and conflict will repeat itself. Thanks to Ranil, still Rajapaksas are evading any penal punishment and impunity continues.

In the end, did we though learn lessons about dynastic politics? Did we realise that we cannot let our leaders treat the country like their personal property? Sri Lanka’s tragedy is a lesson to us all. It is painful to see the mess it is now in, brought to its knees by an economic crisis. If at all there is anything to learn from Gota’s book, it is that the Rajapaksas, and Sri Lanka, ended in tragedy. It ended because of their own doing. ‘One must always be careful of books,” said Tessa, “and what is inside them, for words have the power to change us.” (Cassandra Clare, Clockwork Angel).