A statement by state university teachers
One of the major initiatives of the NPP government is reforming the country’s education system. Immediately after coming to power, the government started the process of bringing about “transformational” changes to general education. The budgetary allocation to education has been increased to 2% of GDP (from 1.8% in 2023). Although this increase is not sufficient, the government has pledged to build infrastructure, recruit more teachers, increase facilities at schools and identified education reforms as an urgent need. These are all welcome moves. However, it is with deep concern that we express our views on the general education reforms that are currently underway.
The government’s approach to education reform has been hasty and lacking in transparency and public consultation. Announcements regarding the reforms planned for January 2026 were made in July 2025. In August, 2025, a set of slides was circulated, initially through unofficial sources. It was only in November 2025, just three months ahead of implementation, that an official policy document, Transforming General Education in Sri Lanka 2025, was released. The Ministry of Education held a series of meetings about the reforms. However, by this time the modules had already been written, published, and teacher training commenced.
The new general education policy shows a discrepancy between its conceptual approach and content. The objectives of the curriculum reforms include: to promote “critical thinking”, “multiple intelligences”, “a deeper understanding of the social and political value of the humanities and social sciences” and embed the “values of equity, inclusivity and social justice” (p. 9). Yet, the new curriculum places minimal emphasis on social sciences and humanities, and leaves little time for critical thinking or for molding social justice-oriented citizens. Subjects such as environment, history and civics, are left out at the primary level, while at the junior secondary level, civics and history are allocated only 10 and 20 hours per term. The increase in the number of “essential subjects” to 15 restricts the hours available for fundamentals like mathematics and language; only 30 hours are allocated to mathematics and the mother tongue, per term, at junior secondary level. Learning the second national language and about our conflict-ridden history are still not priorities despite the government’s pledge to address ethnic cohesion. The time allocation for Entrepreneurship and Financial Literacy, now an essential subject, is on par with the second national language, geography and civics. At the senior secondary level (O/L), social sciences and humanities are only electives. If the government is committed to the objectives that it has laid out, there should be a serious re-think of what subjects will be taught at each grade, the time allocated to each, their progress across different levels, and their weight in the overall curriculum.
A positive aspect of the reforms is the importance given to vocational training. A curriculum that recognises differences in students, whether in terms of their interest in subject matter, styles of learning, or their respective needs, and caters to those diverse needs, would make education more pluralistic and therefore democratic. However, there must be some caution placed on how difference is treated, and this should not be reflected in vocational training alone, but in all aspects of the curriculum. For instance, will the history curriculum account for different narratives of history, including the recent history of Sri Lanka and the histories of minorities and marginalized communities? Will the family structures depicted in textbooks go beyond conventional conceptions of the nuclear family? Addressing these areas too would allow students to feel more represented in curricula and enable them to move through their years of schooling in ways that are unconstrained by stereotypes and unjust barriers.
The textbooks for the Grade 6 modules on the National Institute of Education (NIE) website appear to have not gone through rigorous review. They contain rampant typographical errors and include (some undeclared) AI-generated content, including images that seem distant from the student experience. Some textbooks contain incorrect or misleading information. The Global Studies textbook associates specific facial features, hair colour, and skin colour, with particular countries and regions, and refers to Indigenous peoples in offensive terms long rejected by these communities (e.g. “Pygmies”, “Eskimos”). Nigerians are portrayed as poor/agricultural and with no electricity. The Entrepreneurship and Financial Literacy textbook introduces students to “world famous entrepreneurs”, mostly men, and equates success with business acumen. Such content contradicts the policy’s stated commitment to “values of equity, inclusivity and social justice” (p. 9). Is this the kind of content we want in our textbooks?
The “career interest test” proposed at the end of Grade 9 is deeply troubling. It is inappropriate to direct children to choose their career paths at the age of fourteen, when the vocational pathways, beyond secondary education, remain underdeveloped. Students should be provided adequate time to explore what interests them before they are asked to make educational choices that have a bearing on career paths, especially when we consider the highly stratified nature of occupations in Sri Lanka. Furthermore, the curriculum must counter the stereotyping of jobs and vocations to ensure that students from certain backgrounds are not intentionally placed in paths of study simply because of what their parents’ vocations or economic conditions are; they must also not be constrained by gendered understandings of career pathways.
The modules encourage digital literacy and exposure to new communication technologies. On the surface, this initiative seems progressive and timely. However, there are multiple aspects such as access, quality of content and age-appropriateness that need consideration before the uncritical acceptance of digitality. Not all teachers will know how to use communication technologies ethically and responsibly. Given that many schools lack even basic infrastructure, the digital divide will be stark. There is the question of how to provide digital devices to all students, which will surely fall on the shoulders of parents. These problems will widen the gap in access to digital literacy, as well as education, between well-resourced and other schools.
The NIE is responsible for conceptualizing, developing, writing and reviewing the general education curriculum. Although the Institution was established for the worthy cause of supporting the country’s general education system, currently the NIE appears to be ill-equipped and under-staffed, and seems to lack the experience and expertise required for writing, developing and reviewing curricula and textbooks. It is clear by now that the NIE’s structure and mandate need to be reviewed and re-invigorated.
In light of these issues, the recent Cabinet decision to postpone implementation of the reforms for Grade 6 to 2027 is welcome. The proposed general education reforms have resulted in a backlash from opposition parties and teachers’ and student unions, much of it, legitimately, focusing on the lack of transparency and consultation in the process and some of it on the quality and substance of the content. Embedded within this pushback are highly problematic gendered and misogynistic attacks on the Minister of Education. However, we understand the problems in the new curriculum as reflecting long standing and systemic issues plaguing the education sector and the state apparatus. They cannot be seen apart from the errors and highly questionable content in the old curriculum, itself a product of years of reduced state funding for education, conditionalities imposed by external funding agencies, and the consequent erosion of state institutions. With the NPP government in charge of educational reforms, we had expectations of a stronger democratic process underpinning the reforms to education, and attention to issues that have been neglected in previous reform efforts.
With these considerations in mind, we, the undersigned, urgently request the Government to consider the following:
1. postpone implementation and holistically review the new curriculum, including at primary level.
2. adopt a consultative process on educational reforms by holding public sittings across the country .
3. review the larger institutional structure of the educational apparatus of the state and bring greater coordination within its constituent parts
4. review the NIE’s mandate and strengthen its capacity to develop curricula, such as through the appointment of external scholars via an open and transparent process, to advise and review curriculum content and textbooks.
5. consider the new policy and curriculum to be live documents and make space for building consensus in policy formulation and curriculum development to ensure alignment of the curriculum with policy.
6. ensure textbooks (other than in language subjects) appear in draft form in both Sinhala and Tamil at an early stage so that writers and reviewers from all communities can participate in the process of scrutiny and revision from the very beginning.
7. formulate a plan for addressing difficulties in implementation and future development of the sector, such as resource disparities, teacher training needs, and student needs.
A.M. Navaratna Bandara, formerly, University of Peradeniya
Ahilan Kadirgamar, University of Jaffna
Ahilan Packiyanathan, University of Jaffna
Arumugam Saravanabawan, University of Jaffna
Aruni Samarakoon, University of Ruhuna
Ayomi Irugalbandara, The Open University of Sri Lanka.
Buddhima Padmasiri, The Open University of Sri Lanka
Camena Guneratne, The Open University of Sri Lanka
Charudaththe B.Illangasinghe, University of the Visual & Performing Arts
Chulani Kodikara, formerly, University of Colombo
Chulantha Jayawardena, University of Moratuwa
Dayani Gunathilaka, formerly, Uva Wellassa University of Sri Lanka
Dayapala Thiranagama, formerly, University of Kelaniya
Dhanuka Bandara, University of Jaffna
Dinali Fernando, University of Kelaniya
Erandika de Silva, formerly, University of Jaffna
G.Thirukkumaran, University of Jaffna
Gameela Samarasinghe, University of Colombo
Gayathri M. Hewagama, University of Peradeniya
Geethika Dharmasinghe, University of Colombo
F. H. Abdul Rauf, South Eastern University of Sri Lanka
H. Sriyananda, Emeritus Professor, The Open University of Sri Lanka
Hasini Lecamwasam, University of Peradeniya
(Rev.) J.C. Paul Rohan, University of Jaffna
James Robinson, University of Jaffna
Kanapathy Gajapathy, University of Jaffna
Kanishka Werawella, University of Colombo
Kasun Gajasinghe, formerly, University of Peradeniya
Kaushalya Herath, formerly, University of Moratuwa
Kaushalya Perera, University of Colombo
Kethakie Nagahawatte, formerly, University of Colombo
Krishan Siriwardhana, University of Colombo
Krishmi Abesinghe Mallawa Arachchige, formerly, University of Peradeniya
L. Raguram, University of Jaffna
Liyanage Amarakeerthi, University of Peradeniya
Madhara Karunarathne, University of Peradeniya
Madushani Randeniya, University of Peradeniya
Mahendran Thiruvarangan, University of Jaffna
Manikya Kodithuwakku, The Open University of Sri Lanka
Muttukrishna Sarvananthan, University of Jaffna
Nadeesh de Silva, The Open University of Sri Lanka
Nath Gunawardena, University of Colombo
Nicola Perera, University of Colombo
Nimal Savitri Kumar, Emeritus Professor, University of Peradeniya
Nira Wickramasinghe, formerly, University of Colombo
Nirmal Ranjith Dewasiri, University of Colombo
P. Iyngaran, University of Jaffna
Pathujan Srinagaruban, University of Jaffna
Pavithra Ekanayake, University of Peradeniya
Piyanjali de Zoysa, University of Colombo
Prabha Manuratne, University of Kelaniya
Pradeep Peiris, University of Colombo
Pradeepa Korale-Gedara, formerly, University of Peradeniya
Prageeth R. Weerathunga, Rajarata University of Sri Lanka
Priyantha Fonseka, University of Peradeniya
Rajendra Surenthirakumaran, University of Jaffna
Ramesh Ramasamy, University of Peradeniya
Ramila Usoof, University of Peradeniya
Ramya Kumar, University of Jaffna
Rivindu de Zoysa, University of Colombo
Rukshaan Ibrahim, formerly, University of Jaffna
Rumala Morel, University of Peradeniya
Rupika S. Rajakaruna, University of Peradeniya
S. Jeevasuthan, University of Jaffna
S. Rajashanthan, University of Jaffna
S. Vijayakumar, University of Jaffna
Sabreena Niles, University of Kelaniya
Sanjayan Rajasingham, University of Jaffna
Sarala Emmanuel, The Open University of Sri Lanka
Sasinindu Patabendige, formerly, University of Jaffna
Savitri Goonesekere, Emeritus Professor, University of Colombo
Selvaraj Vishvika, University of Peradeniya
Shamala Kumar, University of Peradeniya
Sivamohan Sumathy, formerly, University of Peradeniya
Sivagnanam Jeyasankar, Eastern University Sri Lanka
Sivanandam Sivasegaram, formerly, University of Peradeniya
Sudesh Mantillake, University of Peradeniya
Suhanya Aravinthon, University of Jaffna
Sumedha Madawala, University of Peradeniya
Tasneem Hamead, formerly, University of Colombo.
Thamotharampillai Sanathanan, University of Jaffna
Tharakabhanu de Alwis, University of Peradeniya
Tharmarajah Manoranjan, University of Jaffna
Thavachchelvi Rasan, University of Jaffna
Thirunavukkarasu Vigneswaran, University of Jaffna
Timaandra Wijesuriya, University of Jaffna
Udari Abeyasinghe, University of Peradeniya
Unnathi Samaraweera, University of Colombo
Vasanthi Thevanesam, Professor Emeritus, University of Peradeniya
Vathilingam Vijayabaskar, University of Jaffna
Vihanga Perera, University of Sri Jayewardenepura
Vijaya Kumar, Emeritus Professor, University of Peradeniya
Viraji Jayaweera, University of Peradeniya
Yathursha Ulakentheran, formerly, University of Jaffna
leelagemalli / January 31, 2026
In Sri Lanka, a large portion of the workforce is employed by the government.However, in order to improve the future of this nation’s kids, many more teachers are needed. According to their interpretation, free education also strongly excludes the private sector from education.
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Official data from the 2024 Public Sector Census doesn’t yet provide a detailed occupational breakdown by job field/status — only totals by institutional categories (central/provincial/semi-govt).
Proxy estimates (e.g., teacher and health worker numbers) come from a 2020 sector overview and should be interpreted as indicative, not precise.
Some categories (e.g., local government staff, armed forces) may not be fully captured in available public census figures.
🧠 Summary
Sector Approx % of Public Workforce
Education ~21–24%
Health ~7–9%
Police/Security ~6–8%
Civil Service (admin) ~30–35%
SOEs & Utilities ~13–15%
Other Support Roles ~7–10%
However, govt teachers are believed to be the SECOND greatest single group next to civil service, the govt has employed a lot. In comparison to other fields, it is around 24%. Given this fact, the current government, which has many more intelligent people (based on their constant boasting), is unable to publish the grade 6 textbook that they recently introduced. Many failures are being mapped now, not just a select few. Under Premer herself, this is a disgrace to the ministry of education.
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Ajith / January 31, 2026
“The government’s approach to education reform has been hasty and lacking in transparency and public consultation.”
The educational reform should come after a political reform, cultural reform and religious reform. Without these poltical, cultural and religious reform, the educational reform become meaningless reform within few years as it done now.
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leelagemalli / January 31, 2026
Ajith the NPP promoter in north/east srilanka,
“The educational reform should come after a political reform, cultural reform and religious reform. Without these poltical, cultural and religious reform, the educational reform become meaningless reform within few years as it done now.”
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Dear Ajith’s grandchildren, . Please help open your grandfather’s eyes, AJITH, so that we can have hope for the future. His constant crying may mislead N/E people who are experiencing problems with their own high-caste leaders and people, rather than the country’s majority Sinhalese.
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Could you, AJITH the ignorant,
kindly provide examples of effective changes in countries with a torn-off past?
Utopic thoughts about ironing out of a society are understandable when you are in opposition; however, the JVP-NPP has proven, before 1.5 years in power, that it is not as easy as they thought, because they can’t even print out the grade 6 textbook without failure, let alone make wonders about previous robbery governments.
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Ajith / February 1, 2026
Ajith the NPP promoter in north/east srilanka,
I am not a promotor of NPP in the North East. In the North East I am a promoter for a federal solution which was denied by both UNP,SLFP and NPP. My advise for Sinhalese people to avoid those who misused the power, misused the Buddhism and promoted racism and promoted violent Sinhala Budddhism. I thought after you lost for NPP, I thought that Sinhalese political parties change from racism and violent Sinhala Buddhism but they still wants to racism and buddhist violence. You have only way to target thorogh give up racism and violent Buddhism.
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leelagemalli / February 1, 2026
Ajith the ignorant,
Malle-pol replies would not get us any further. Your hatreds would not work either. Sinhala racists and Tamil racists like yourself will only cause further splits. We need to work on healing the wounds rather than allowing them to worsen.
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Let’s examine where on Earth the majority of people have given the minorities a complete pound of meat.. Both sides must make compromises. You should eventually see it. I feel Arjuna, the MBBS doctor and current MP, will do something to further polarise the Sinhala people in the future. Some say he is not mature enough to do anything, but I disagree with them. Doctor Arjuna undoubtedly possesses enormous potential.
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Ajith / February 3, 2026
“Ajith the ignorant,Sinhala racists and Tamil racists like yourself will only cause further splits. “
If you don’t know the difference between justice and equality you are an enemy of justice and equality. Justice is based on eqaility. The 1972 and 1978 constitutions are not justice because it is not based on equality. Your masters are the rulers of the unjustice and unequal constitutions. You don’t have the knowledge of the principles of justice and equality.
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leelagemalli / February 4, 2026
Ajith,
“Your masters are the rulers of the unjustice and unequal constitutions. You don’t have the knowledge of the principles of justice and equality..”
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Labeling me as a racist is unjustifiable, given my lack of identity. I have no race in mind, and I even encouraged Sri Lankans to support a federal solution if that is the final solution to ethnic conflicts.
However, we now know that federalism cannot be implemented as smoothly in Sri Lanka as it is in prosperous European countries
. Now, as I see it, you are the ultimate racists against your own people, and we, the Sinhalese, are the true cure for this nation. If you open your mouth, nothing comes to make peace but to aggravate the wounds.
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SJ / February 2, 2026
He is embarrassed already.
Allow him time to forget a dream turned nightmare.
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Douglas / February 1, 2026
Too Many Cooks Spoil The Soup
So, let us RE-STRUCTURE the Education System to prepare the future generation to meet and face the demands of their times.
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Tony / February 1, 2026
The cunning motive of npp’s bogus education reform is to sabotage the anti- imperial education reforms of Mr. C.W.W. Kannangara. His educational reforms took place during the era of freedom struggle and that’s why his educational reforms are called “Nidahas Adyapanaya/free education”. Although it is free of charge, it actually meant to be free from the interference of the imperial master, because the education system at time was to serve imperial master’s interests.
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There is no argument that the education system needs to be upgraded to meet the challenges of the new era as a Sinhala Buddhist state.
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Jeppos should not be allowed to come anywhere near the education reforms. They have been destroying universities for decades, now they are plotting to the same for schools. The other disaster is NGO- satanist-w1tch HA. This person said “hand over your ch1 ldren to the SYSTEM”, meaning the 1luminati, neo-imperialism, globalism, etc.
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leelagemalli / February 1, 2026
“Jeppos should not be allowed to come anywhere near the education reforms. They have been destroying universities for decades, now they are plotting to the same for schools. The other disaster is NGO- satanist-w1tch HA. This person said “hand over your ch1 ldren to the SYSTEM”, meaning the 1luminati, neo-imperialism, globalism, etc.”
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I think you should be born yestreday.
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Unfortunately, whether we like it or not, 6.8 million eligible voters (beasts in human disguise) have given JEPPOS the barber’s knife to go for it. They’ve been doing it for the past 15 months or so, but each disaster has added to the previous one. No “clean srialnka” worked, but massive amounts of state funding were misused. Containers loaded with unlawful cargoes were freed, and complaints filed against them were handled with impunity by AKD-led groups, despite the fact that they continue to claim that law and order are served equally to everyone. Former Speaker ASOKA RANWALA’s PhD and some other titles of a handful of ministers are unclear, even if they enticed people by suggesting they are highly educated and “walking libraries”. We’re all flabbgasted today.
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Lester / February 1, 2026
AI has more knowledge than most teachers who are not at the MSc or higher level.
While AI surpasses teachers in data breadth, human teachers remain essential for fostering critical thinking, emotional intelligence, mentorship, and ethical guidance that AI cannot replicate
I disagree with the “Sookaesque” counterargument. The primary purpose of education is to foster critical thinking. Find solutions to hard problems. That’s it. If someone doesn’t like school, they shouldn’t be forced into it. The whole concept of “free education” should be reevaluated.
So there are two solutions to the problem:
1. Replace human teachers with AI (no upper bound)
2. Train all teachers to the MSc or higher level and supplement with AI
The second option is preferable. It worked in the Soviet Union, which nearly won the Space Race. You may not get legends like Kolmogorov designing the curriculum, but the brilliant students will realize their full potential without large budget expenditures.
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leelagemalli / February 1, 2026
Lester the self-proclaimed interllectual,
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“2. Train all teachers to the MSc or higher level and supplement with AI”
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Sri Lanka’s education debate is built on denial. When a former teacher turned politician, Mahinda Jayasinghe, cannot even correctly understand or explain a basic web link like “buddy.net,” and when the Ministry of Education prints textbooks full of elementary errors, the country’s digital illiteracy is laid bare. In this reality, talk of training teachers to “master’s level” using AI is absurd. A system that lacks basic internet literacy cannot be rescued by futuristic buzzwords. Before preaching AI-driven reform, Sri Lanka must first admit a hard truth: you cannot build advanced education on digital ignorance.
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LankaScot / February 2, 2026
Hello Leelagemalli,
During the time that I studied for my PGCE (Post Graduate Certificate in Education), I was Teaching Adults (18-80) at IT Evening Classes in a Local High School. I taught CLAIT and ICDL (previously ECDL) and would often be joined in the Classroom by some of the School’s Teachers who were very critical of the Education Department’s attitude to IT. At that time there was a very Elitist attitude amongst Education Experts that IT was something that only “lowly” Industry engaged in. As I was able to fix many of the Teacher’s IT problems I got to see how badly organised their IT Departments were.
The whole point of my PGCE Thesis was that IT would not only change how Industry used it, but it would also change substantially how Education would operate. During my “viva voce”, which was in the presence and participation of a Team of University Examiners, I was surprised at their Ignorance of the Broad Range of IT Systems and Technologies that would (and subsequently did) benefit Education.
That was 30 or so years ago.
The battle to change Education in Sri Lanka will be mostly against the Incumbent Education Establishment.
Best regards
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leelagemalli / February 4, 2026
Dear LS,
Education reform is not a privilege of those in office to toy with; it is a sacred duty owed to the children of this nation.
Even Germany, a global economic power, approached the dismantling of its historic Diplom (BSc + MSc together) system with humility, national debate, and a clear long-term vision, knowing that a careless reform could permanently damage academic credibility and student futures.
Sri Lanka’s leaders, by contrast, have repeatedly shown a reckless disregard for this responsibility. Each new government tears down what the previous one began, not because reforms have failed, but because political egos demand visible “new” agendas.
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In this destructive cycle, students are treated as collateral damage—forced to navigate shifting degree structures, uncertain qualifications, and broken promises. There is no continuity, no accountability, and no shame. The absence of a binding national education policy has allowed ministers to gamble with the lives of young people, while the nation quietly loses its brightest minds to confusion, frustration, and migration.
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This is not governance; it is negligence. A state that cannot rise above party politics to safeguard its education system is actively undermining its own future, and history will not be kind to those who chose power over the next generation
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CChampa / February 1, 2026
I fully agree with these University teachers that teacher-training, teachers’ handbooks, teaching materials and teacher-preparations are essential elements for the school education system.
The teaching time in public schools in Sri Lanka per teacher is in the range of 20 – 25 hours which should otherwise have been 15 – 20 hours for better teacher performance.
The JVP/NPP tipsy government has hurriedly pushed teachers and pupils into unfamiliar territories without proper guidance and research. The reason for their unholy urgency is to create a fake Sri Lankan history, incorporate Jainism and Hinduism into Buddhist studies and addict minors to social media to disrupt their education.
At a time when Western and Oceania countries banned or are in the process of banning social media for children under the age of 16 years and Sri Lanka mulling to implement the same ban only under 12-year olds demonstrates that the vanguards of the proposed educational reforms have cut a deal with a connectivity provider which is another reason to reject this government’s ill-conceived and misguided reforms in the education system. This is the same political party that obstructed university education for 5 decades!
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Mani / February 2, 2026
This assessment by university teachers on the current education reform is generally sound and all those responsible need to take their recommendations seriously. However, the reason for the poor quality reforms is not only hastiness, lack of transparency and consultation but the fact that the NIE is filled with mediocre personnel, who have little knowledge of what a reform should look like, thanks to the poor quality university education received by them. One of the main reasons for the mediocre education in the university system is decades of disruption caused by the JVP, especially the union-controlled by them, IUSF – there has been a tiff going on between the Frontline Socialists and JVP for its control last year. All attempts at reform to create a modern, relevant university system was maliciously blocked by this union for decades. I am speaking from experience.
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SJ / February 2, 2026
Why blame the NIE?
Was the Minister of Education guided by the NIE or the NPP idealogues?
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SJ / February 2, 2026
“One of the main reasons for the mediocre education in the university system is decades of disruption caused by the JVP, etc.”
Neither JVP nor the FSP were behind the ‘Course Unit System’ or the ‘Outcome Based Education’ follies.
Standardization was not their idea?
They have been responsible for much of the university rag, which they use as recruiting ground. Besides that, they are not to blame for education policy flaws, including expansion of low cost degree programmes, creation of political university campuses etc.
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leelagemalli / February 4, 2026
Sri Lanka’s so-called education “reforms” are nothing but an authoritarian power grab disguised as policy. Academics, teachers, and society have been deliberately excluded while an incompetent ministry rushes to impose harsher curriculum changes behind closed doors.
This is the same Ministry that could not even print a Grade 6 textbook without missing pages and blatant errors. A government that cannot manage a textbook has no right to experiment with the minds of an entire generation.
Public trust is collapsing, the nation is divided, and in this manufactured chaos, Rajapaksa loyalists—rejected by the people just three years ago—are quietly regrouping. History is repeating itself, fueled by arrogance, secrecy, and administrative failure.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1foq6HUSEHg
This is not reform. It is negligence at best, betrayal at worst—and the country must confront it now, before the damage becomes irreversible.
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