By Martin Stürzinger –

The clergy are held in high regard in Sri Lanka and wield considerable influence. However, monks who fail to adhere to Buddhist principles are damaging its reputation.

Quite a few viewers are likely to have rubbed their eyes in disbelief at the end of April when they heard on the news that 22 Buddhist monks had been arrested at Colombo airport. They had returned from a three-day stay in Thailand with a total of 110 kilograms of drugs, with a market value equivalent to around 2.7 million Swiss francs. This was the largest drug seizure ever made at the international airport. The suitcases mainly contained kush and synthetic cannabinoids, which had been cut with synthetic opioids up to 25 times as potent as fentanyl.

Monks who do not behave in a saintly manner

On the mobile phones of the monks, aged between 19 and 28, the police found videos from Bangkok showing them in civilian clothing and accompanied by women. That very same night, investigators arrested another monk near Colombo who was suspected of organising the drug smuggling. For many Sri Lankans, the news was hard to take. Several newspapers therefore euphemistically described those arrested as “men who had been disguised as monks”, even though the monks actually lived in temples and studied at religious institutions.

Such incidents would damage the credibility of the Buddhist clergy, who wield a great deal of power, says Jayadeva Uyangoda. He is professor emeritus of political science at the University of Colombo. But he admits: “People know that many Buddhist monks do not follow their principles, and it is also well known that some of them have relationships with women. These things are accepted in other religious cultures too.”

The uproar over the drugs scandal had not yet subsided when the next shock hit. Two weeks after the arrest of the Buddhist drug couriers, the 71-year-old monk Pallegama Hemarathana was arrested. He is accused of repeatedly sexually abusing a girl, who was eleven at the time, from 2022 onwards.

Hemarathana was the head of the Atamasthana, the eight sacred Buddhist sites in the ancient pilgrimage town of Anuradhapura, and was one of the country’s most respected monks. In 2025, he received President Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The Hemarathana case is just one piece of a wider picture: more and more cases of sexual abuse by monks are coming to light. According to the National Child Protection Authority, a total of 285 complaints against Buddhist monks were received between 1 May 2023 and 1 May 2026. Twenty-seven of the accused monks were formally charged. However, according to a representative of the human rights organisation Amnesty International, most cases of abuse by monks continue to be covered up by the government.

Cases of abuse are usually kept quiet

It was therefore no surprise that the police initially took no action when the girl made the allegation of abuse in early March. It was only when the National Child Protection Authority involved the court that action was taken. At the first court hearing on 8 May, her lawyer complained that the police had still not arrested the suspect, Hemarathana, despite repeated requests. The judge subsequently ordered his arrest and imposed a travel ban.

Hemarathana was arrested that very evening at a private hospital in Colombo – something that has never happened before to such a high-ranking monk. However, he was released after just a few days, even though the case is still pending. Paediatrician Harendra de Silva has mixed feelings about this: “At least the government has taken action. But why isn’t Pallegama Hemarathana in pre-trial detention? I’m not saying he’s guilty, but the law as it stands should be applied.”

De Silva was one of the first to identify child abuse as a problem in Sri Lanka. In a study involving 900 children, he demonstrated as early as the 1990s that around 20 per cent of boys and 10 per cent of girls had been sexually abused. Physical violence was also widespread; many children worked in private households, and the guerrillas were recruiting child soldiers.

On a scale similar to that in the Catholic Church

De Silva drew other doctors’ attention to the problem of abuse, and the then President, Chandrika Kumaratunga, responded by setting up a working group comprising paediatricians, lawyers and the public prosecutor’s office, which ultimately led to the establishment in 1999 of the National Child Protection Authority, endowed with far-reaching powers. De Silva headed the authority until 2005. Under his leadership, the authority also took action against foreign paedophiles, and penalties were significantly increased.

De Silva believes that, as with the Catholic Church in the West, more and more cases are being documented: “Cultural factors play an important role in abuse; often, people simply remain silent. It often takes years for a case to reach court. In most cases, the victims are already adults by the time the verdict is handed down,” says de Silva.

The paediatrician fears that the abuse of young novice monks is triggering a cross-generational vicious circle of paedophilia: “Some children are under ten years old when they join the monastic orders. One of the main reasons for joining is poverty. This problem must therefore be tackled specifically by both the government and the monastic orders.”

Monks fear that Buddhism will be discredited

Hemarathana’s arrest immediately sparked a storm of outrage on social media. Many Sri Lankan Buddhists questioned the allegation of abuse or cast doubt on the girl’s credibility. It was argued, for example, that no one should give more credence to a child’s word than to that of a high-ranking monk. A former minister even said that monks should not be arrested solely on the basis of the testimony of a ‘prostitute’ – by which he meant the child.

“The lawyer representing the Child Protection Authority was also vilified and accused of corruption,” says Shreen Saroor, a member of the National Women’s Commission. “That is why it was right for the Attorney General’s Office to take action and appear before the Anuradhapura Magistrates’ Court alongside the Child Protection Authority.”

Time and again, the proceedings against Hemarathana were interpreted as part of a wider attack on Buddhist institutions.

At the end of July, the Shasanarakshaka Sangha Sabha met in Colombo – an organisation of monks which, amongst other things, campaigns for state support for Buddhism. Agalakada Sirisumana, a member of the organisation’s council, alleged at the meeting that attempts were being made to discredit the monks and prevent them from playing an active role in society. He did not mention that monks who violate Buddhist principles are likely to bear the greatest responsibility for this.

Visaka Dharmadasa, chair of the Association of War-Affected Women, which has been working with Buddhist monks for many years, considers the fears of Buddhist institutions to be exaggerated: “Such events will not change attitudes towards Buddhism, because people are perfectly capable of distinguishing between religious teachings and monks. After all, many politicians are of poor character and yet are re-elected time and again.”

The intertwining of state and Buddhism

More than two-thirds of Sri Lanka’s population are Sinhalese Buddhists. The Sri Lankan constitution stipulates that the state accords Buddhism ‘primacy’ and is obliged to protect and promote its teachings. Although the island, with a population of around 22 million, is home to several ethnic groups, languages and religions, monks continue to exert considerable influence over society and politics to this day.

The fact that a government with a socialist background is currently in power has done little to change this. Politicians therefore regularly seek the blessing of the two heads of the Siyam Nikaya. The order, based in Kandy, is the highest religious authority amongst the independent orders of the monastic community.

The state has often organised religious ceremonies to tackle problems. For instance, to bring an end to the drought, the Air Force sprayed water over the affected parts of the country this September, water which monks had previously blessed with chants. Monks were also on board the Air Force aircraft, praying for rain.

The close link between state and religion is known as the so-called ‘Mahavamsa mindset’. The Mahavamsa (Great Chronicle) was written by Buddhist monks in the 5th/6th century and describes the origins of the Sinhalese kingdom and the introduction of Buddhism. According to the chronicle, Sri Lanka is the land of the Sinhalese and of Buddhism, which must be protected. Sinhalese-Buddhist rule is regarded as a moral duty. Other ethnic groups and religions are accepted, at best, as guests.

The senior prelates of the three Buddhist sects in Sri Lanka are aware that, in light of the abuse scandals, action is needed. In May, they proposed to the Sri Lankan President that a religious judicial body be established. It is to have the authority to investigate and punish misconduct by monks internally.

De Silva supports such a body: “Self-regulation is crucial to preventing offences. The power to expel members from the community should also be delegated to such a body.” However, he warns the government against shifting responsibility entirely onto the monastic community: “Criminal law must apply to everyone, regardless of whether they wear a robe or not.”