17 April, 2024


More Representative Decision Making Bodies Required 

By Jehan Perera

Jehan Perera

There has been a trend of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa making senior appointments in which those who are outside the established administrative systems are being brought in to provide leadership and ensure effective and non-corrupt practices. As a large number of these appointments have been from the security forces this has given rise to a perception that the country is heading towards eventual military rule. There is a concern that the forthcoming general elections will be followed by constitutional changes that will entrench the military in governance as in some other countries such as Myanmar. This is unlikely to be the case in Sri Lanka as democratic traditions upholding civilian control of government are deeply ingrained in the fabric of political society.

A more positive view would focus on the dilemma that President Rajapaksa is facing. He was elected in the hope that he would bring a change to the corrupt governance of the past in which political leaders failed to keep their commitments. The country is facing unprecedented challenges today for which the president cannot be held responsible. The foremost of these is the Covid-induced economic downturn which has driven large numbers into unemployment and debilitated the economy. The president’s harsh upbraiding of Central Bank officials was due to his recognition that the government was not being provided with solutions to revive the economy.

Among the president’s reasons for appointing a host of serving and retired security forces personnel to positions of authority within the state administrative system is to put a stop to corruption and to promote efficiency within the state sector. Years of heavy investment in the security forces due to the war has made the security forces personnel better trained and more used to staying within the administrative system. This is especially in comparison to their counterparts in the public service which has got over extended due to politically motivated appointments which has swelled their ranks.

Ethnic Composition 

There are however reasons for the concerns about the lack of minority representation in the new and ad hoc institutions of governance. A functioning parliament could have represented the ethnic, religious, social and economic diversity of the country’s people and their needs and aspirations. If sections of the people feel that they are not being included in decision making, and that decisions being made exclude them, there can grow an alienation of heart and mind that cannot be stopped by more security measures and more intelligence gathering alone. Earlier this month, the president appointed two separate Presidential Task Forces, one to build a Secure Country, Disciplined, Virtuous and Lawful Society, and a second for Archaeological Heritage Management in the Eastern Province.

Both of these task forces are dominated by members drawn from the security forces and have wide mandates. Both of them are also chaired by Defense Secretary Maj. Gen. (Retd) Kamal Gunaratne. The Defense Secretary has said the role of the Presidential Task Forces (PTFs) has been misinterpreted. He emphasized that he has not been empowered to bring under his control public officials, other than those at the Ministry of Defense, nor did he wish to do so. He explained that the PTFs in question only exist to get the assistance of the public officials to ensure the national security of the country. With regard to the PTF on the Eastern province he said, “We need to secure our country’s heritage and protect it for our future generations, that’s why the President established this Task Force following a request made by the Buddhist Sangha. We don’t limit this protection to Buddhist and archaeological sites, we will protect sites of all communities, may they be Hindu, Islamic or another religion.”

The task force on Archaeological Heritage Management in the Eastern Province has been mandated to identify sites of archaeological importance in the Eastern Province and identify the extent of land that should be allocated for such archaeological sites and take necessary measures to allocate them properly and legally. The Defense Secretary asserted that “We are sensitive not to create issues between communities or on religious grounds, our first priority is to create the climate for the archaeological department to carry out their duties without any interference. They are tasked with identifying all sites of archaeological importance and get the sites surveyed with the assistance of the survey department.” However, the problem is with the ethnic and religious composition of the task force which has no minority representation although the Eastern province has a population that is over 75 percent Tamil and Muslim.

More Representation 

There are many unresolved issues that Sri Lanka needs to deal with in the future in order to become a truly peaceful and socially cohesive country. The issues of ethnic and religious representation in decision making bodies and of history have been divisive ones in the country starting from the debate over which ethnic and religious community was here first and which has the claim of ownership of the country or part thereof to that of devolution of power and the nature of the state. History has been used by politicians as a rallying point for promotion of nationalism and ethnic pride as well as the creation of enemies who need to be kept at bay. History is also important because it gives legitimacy to claims over land, which is important to both individuals who own the land and to communities who seek to be dominant in those parts.

All of these issues are burning ones in the case of the Eastern province, which is the only province in the country in which no one ethnic or religious community is an outright majority. Therefore, changes in the population composition of the Eastern province have consequences that go beyond those in other provinces. In addition, the Eastern province is part of the territory that Tamil nationalists have claimed as the Tamil homeland along with the Northern province, and for which the LTTE fought to create an independent state of Tamil Eelam. Within the Eastern province is also the Ampara district which together with Trincomalee is only one of two in the country in which the Muslims are the single largest community.

In the aftermath of the thirty year war against Tamil separatism in 2009 and the Easter bombing by suicide bombers from the Muslim community influenced by international Islamic ideologies in 2019, the containment of extremist ethnic and religious minority influence seems to have become an important part of state policy. It is in this political context that land is being transferred from minority usage to be used to protect ancient archaeological sites. In Pottuvil, in the Ampara district, the dispute over the Muhudu Maha Vihara temple land could increase in intensity as it has the potential to lead to the displacement of Muslim communities living in the contested areas. The presidential task force that has been appointed for the purpose of problem solving in the Eastern province needs to have Muslim and Tamil representation, and in more than token numbers, if its recommendations are to be seen as based on objective truth and unbiased.

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Latest comments

  • 6

    I have the feeling, that the times prior to 2015 has come back.
    For the last 24 hours, CT posts were not possible for some reasons.
    The suppression obviously works today to the letter. There are not even SOCIAL MEDIA videos asking as to why
    1) People would not rise up against the public statment of KARUNA amman which louded about thousands of soldiers being killed by LTTE under his leader per day
    2) There are ENOUGH web controllers being instigated by SLPP to ATTACK the dissident to their principles.

    • 3

      More respresentative bodies would be welcome if coming from the cross section of the society.
      However, if only former MILITARY men would be appointed to handle every ministry would not allow the representation of the cross section of the society. Obviously people have alarming concerns on this topic, but the space given them in today’s media freedom within the country is not adequate. Youth and those who expressed themselves free prior to Gota s presidency are made silent today: Their spy services being institgated through IRAJ WEERARATNE et al by ruling men is becoming clear to the nation.

  • 3

    This foolish nincompoop of a kallathoni president who was able to persuade nearly 7 million of his fellow modaya’s to vote for him is now a lost at sea not knowing which way the mastless orowa is drifting.
    Whilst he was in the army he was allowed to lead a sheltered life due to his swabasha racist SLFP connections.
    In 1989 under the UNP government he was placed as the OIC for the Matale district to combat the misled Sinhala youth’s JVP insurrection
    By killing many of his own ilk in cold blood under unacceptable criminal methods he attempted to rein back control of the said district…
    Afterwards, he was assigned to combat the then mighty Tamil Tigers he developed CHOLERA was having uncontrollable bouts of bade yannuwa [ diarrhoea ] , used his living in abject fear of him wife’s family connection and fled to the USA with his tail between his legs.
    Whilst being there the only employment he could find was as a coolie of a petrol pump attendant cum toilet cleaner with one of the 7- Eleven franchises.
    Being seated on the royal commode as a president who barely passed his O/L’s by rigging he has become a lost soul and not knowing what on earth to do has taken to appoint his shop soiled tainted to the core military war-criminal goons to high civilian positions at very high salaries which they do not deserve even in their next few births.

  • 2

    Jehan Perera,

    As usual, a moderate well written point of view.

    There is a real danger that the forthcoming general elections will be followed by constitutional changes.

    It will not be a danger if it leads to improvement of the 1978 constitution if it results in accommodating long felt grievances and aspirations of all communities in the country.

    19th amendment and 13th amendment come to mind.

    if instead of totally abolishing these amendments, revisions taking into account lessons learnt may be a welcome outcome.

    In the case of 19Amendment the near equality of executive power between the President and Parliament (Prime minister?) is resolved to the satisfaction of all concerned will be a welcome move so also about Constitutional Council and the independent commissions.

    The constitutional Council is a misnomer; it could be renamed as High Appointment Committee or any other similar name.

    13Amendment also could be refined in terms of excellent recommendations available in the interim reports of the now defunct Constitutional Assembly of the previous regime.

    Further, any authoritarian trend carried out within the constitution may be a positive development.

    In the past, Mr Felix R. Dias Bandaranaike spoke about a little bit of totalitarianism. JR Jayawardene also expressed similar sentiments..

    Now a consensus has emerged to have civil non-military strong democratic governance for Sri Lanka.

  • 3

    This writer now seems to be using language that is very diplomatic, conciliatory and borders on allegiance to powers that rule Sri Lanka. I believe he was an activist for peace when the civil war raged, urging caution and encouraging peace talks. In the above article he softly admonishes the administration to better represent the minorities in policy-making issues, primarily those of archaeology in the eastern province. I would have preferred a more robust and assertive stance that would have earned him more credibility as a writer.

  • 1

    The ommission of minorities and commission of military tells the real motive of Gotabaya who is the father of BBS. The comment of the Buddhist Monk who is the member of his task force is clear indication about Gota’s motive. I understand that his brother is now fears that Gota is trying to ignore him to its maximum because Mahinda could be a barrier for his motive of becoming a Sinhala only King. The friend of Mahinda, Mr Vasudeva immediately blamed the Monk for his anti Tamil comment.
    If Gota has to tackle corruption he has to get rid of Mahinda, Basil and Namal. Gota also feared about Karuna because he used Karuna for many illegal activities along with Whitevan military. So, now Mahinda thinks that two third majority to SLPP is dangerous to his family and his friends. Gota’s other barrier is 19th amendment and whether Mahinda will allow to change the constitution that removes his power.

    • 0


      Thanks God, Gota had not camouflaged by appointing a Tamil and a Muslim as token presence to the task force.

      Is it not possible to find two “Yes Sir” among Tamil and Muslim Communities?

  • 1

    Jehan Perera,
    Sinhale (aka Sri Lanka) which has documented records for over 2000 years is the Land of Sinhalayo and Vedda Eththo. Sinhalayo toiled to develop this country from scratch and shed their blood to protect it from invaders. Therefore, Sinhalayo have the right to make any changes in this country. Sinhalayo do not have to obtain permission from ‘Paradesis’.
    North and East is where first Sinhala Kingdoms Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa existed. Due to atrocities committed by ‘Para’ Dravida invaders Sinhalayo were forced to abandon those Kingdoms and retreat to safer areas.
    Muslim population in the Eastern part of the country increased during King Senerath’s reign who saved them from persecution by Portuguese and settled them in interior parts of the country including the East.
    Yapanaya became predominantly a Demala area due to import of Demala laborers from Hindusthan by Portuguese to work in tobacco plantations and abandoned when colonial rulers left this country.
    “All of these issues are burning ones in the case of the Eastern province, which is the only province in the country in which no one ethnic or religious community is an outright majority. Therefore, changes in the population composition of the Eastern province have consequences that go beyond those in other provinces.”

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