By Vishwamithra –

May Days have come and May Days have gone. In the sixties and seventies, the show of strength of the working class had been a signature display by the left wing parties in Ceylon. Those old left wing parties are dead; their political relevance has diminished to the extent of extinction. Traditional center-left parties, which dominated much of the 20th century, have seen massive drops in support across the globe, often losing connection to their traditional working-class bases. Public trust in the LSSP and CP  has declined to a zero level and coupled with the rise of capitalism, especially in Sri Lanka, with a human face, authenticity and a sustained sense of commitment to a cause expounded by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) in the rural hinterland gave birth to the modern National People’s Power (NPP).

Anura Kumara Dissanayake | Picture JVP

The JVP-led NPP, often perceived as an outsider with a “cleaner” image compared to traditional elites, gained popularity by promising to tackle corruption and mismanagement following the 2022 economic crisis. The JVP has maintained a strong, disciplined grassroots presence in rural areas, which, combined with the perception of commitment and authenticity under leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD), served as the foundation for the broader NPP coalition.  While some critics argue the JVP/NPP has shifted toward a form of “social democracy” or neoliberalism while in power (even promising to uphold IMF austerity), they have framed their economic policy as a fairer, less corrupt form of development.

Yet, the modern day world is not moving according to the rules and regulations of the old world which existed prior to the twenty first century. The old rules no longer apply to the modern world. The twenty first century is defying the norms of the previous era. We are living in an ‘intertidal’ moment where old structures are collapsing. However, while the NPP-led government is making a valiant effort to tackle the post-bankruptcy issues of Sri Lanka, its short and mid term responses to the current global dynamics seem to have met an impasse; the optics of internal stagnancy amongst the Cabinet members and AKD being portrayed as the sole savior for all problems might lead not only the government, but the entire country to a mind-blowing politico-economic standstill.

The NPP-led government under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) has kept the economic recovery on track, adhering to IMF programs, with foreign reserves crossing $7 billion and the economy growing again, albeit fragilely. The government is facing pressure due to its adherence to IMF austerity measures, leading to limited funds for economic relief, while also dealing with external shocks like the impact of the Middle East war on fuel and the damage from the 2025 Cyclone Ditwah. The growth forecast for 2026 has been revised downward by the World Bank to 3.1–4.5% due to these pressures. There are reports of a “bumpy road” to political reform, with some supporters disappointed by the slow pace of “system change”. The government has been accused of focusing on anti-corruption “theater” or “cosmetic changes” rather than deep, structural reforms. While AKD remains popular, his party has faced criticism that it is struggling to move beyond rhetoric to practical governance, with some critics suggesting the “honeymoon” period is drawing to a close, especially after a dip in support in local elections in early 2025.

The May Day of 2026 came along in the midst of this unpleasant sociopolitical setup. When the socioeconomic circumstances of the average citizen is in dire conditions, celebrations of the so-called ‘Worker’s Day’ by the governing party tests the patience of the majority of the population, the very decision to embark on such lavish optics looks politically clumsy and socially unpalatable. Actions taken by governments, even those meant to be celebratory, can backfire if they appear insensitive to the daily hardships of the working class. When a party’s actions don’t align with the material conditions of the people, the party can appear ineffective or disconnected. Public funds should be used to alleviate hardship rather than for spectacle during tough economic times.

Those who are still in the land of the living would very well remember the extravagant May Day celebrations held by the SLFP-led coalition government in 1976. The numbers, they said, could not be argued against; the very enthusiasm shown by the participants would have sent chills down the spines of the then UNP led by J R Jayewardene. While the 1976 SLFP-led May Day celebrations looked strong, they did not reflect the mood of the electorate. The UNP, despite these “chills,” went on to win a landslide victory in the 1977 election, taking over five-sixths of the seats, showing that the 1976 numbers did not guarantee victory.

Nevertheless, the current NPP-led government is ideologically identified as a socialist-oriented, left-wing populist administration that pursues a strict anti-corruption agenda while negotiating the constraints of economic reality. However, they cannot escape from their original JVP-identification as an ultra-left political entity. That classification cuts both ways. While it helps the NPP retain the country’s extreme left-wing activists within itself, it also lends its perceived social-democratic, middle-ground stance to be in doubt. Nevertheless, the party cannot afford to damage its credibility. That alone calls for a robust participation in the May Day rallies, not just as another political party, but as a leading torch-bearer of the working class.

Instead of one central rally, the ruling party organized rallies across 21 districts to mark the 140th International Workers’ Day.

* Key Locations: The main May Day rally was held in Nuwara Eliya in the morning, attended by President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, followed by another major rally in Maharagama in the afternoon.

* Leadership Participation: Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya joined the rally in Ratnapura, while other senior leaders attended events in locations including Kalutara, Matara, Tangalle, Vavuniya, and Jaffna.

This was reported as a historic move by the NPP to hold concurrent, massive rallies across the country. Speeches at May Day meetings are basically centered on being rhetorical in delivery and superficial in substance. The NPP and its ranks do not falter in the sphere of speechifying. They are in a league of their own.

But the question is whether they would treat that advantage as a tool to buttress their already rich repertoire or they get carried away and resort to basking in a false umbrella of a ‘comfort zone’. The people seem to trust Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Whether that trust could be extended to the rest of the NPP’s leadership is yet to be determined. Such intense vetting can be exercised only at an election and we are far too away from such a decisive date.

Based on the current political landscape in Sri Lanka as of May 2026, the current political environment reflects a nuanced, developing, and often contradictory nature of public sentiment towards the NPP government.

President Dissanayake has maintained high public trust by focusing on anti-corruption, delivering on some key promises, and managing the economy. He claimed in May Day rally held in Nuwara Eliya that his government is the “most trusted” by citizens across all regions. While the leader enjoys a high degree of trust, the broader, less experienced, and ideologically diverse coalition of the NPP faces scrutiny over their ability to handle complex economic management beyond just anti-corruption efforts.

In a democracy, final approval for the entire leadership team is tested through the ballot box. While the NPP won a major mandate in late 2024/early 2025, and this ‘honeymoon period’ continues into 2026, the next major national elections are not immediate, allowing time for public opinion to shift. As of April/May 2026, the government is dealing with challenges, such as IMF conditions and inflation, which could impact that initial trust, though they have strengthened their standing with a strong anti-corruption drive.

Tropical Cyclone Ditwah (Nov 2025) was described as more destructive to infrastructure than the 2004 tsunami, causing an estimated $4.1 billion in damage. The cyclone destroyed agriculture in the central uplands and damaged infrastructure across the island, with over 600 deaths reported. While the government secured $206 million in emergency financing from the IMF, the disaster strained the treasury and highlighted weaknesses in disaster preparedness.

The conflict in the Middle East has directly caused oil prices to surge above $100 per barrel, leading to severe disruptions in the Strait of Hormuz. By March 2026, Sri Lanka reintroduced fuel rationing and increased prices by over 30%. The government introduced a four-day work week for public institutions to save fuel. The crisis has caused transport fares and essential food prices to rise sharply. Due to fuel shortages and a simultaneous drought affecting hydro-power, the country is facing renewed pressure on its energy sector, raising fears of power cuts.

The NPP government is struggling to reconcile its campaign promises of economic relief with strict IMF austerity conditions, such as maintaining a primary surplus. The government has acknowledged that as a net energy importer, it has limited direct control over global oil price spikes, making the economic situation “almost impossible” to manage without incurring high inflation or new debt. While the 2022-level massive protests have not fully returned, public frustration is growing due to rising costs, causing the government to use emergency regulations to manage the situation.

Navigating this period requires exceptionally skillful management to avoid sliding back into the 2022 default scenario. The crisis has intensified calls for accelerating investments in renewable energy and improving local storage infrastructure to reduce reliance on imported fossil fuels.
The government is striving to manage this volatile situation, with the IMF evaluating the country’s performance for further funding, while the populace bears the brunt of increased living costs. In this complex context, extravagant May Day displays do not mean a thing.

*The writer can be reached at vishwamithra1984@gmail.com