By Gamini Jayaweera –

Almost two years ago, despite the JVP’s violent past, many Sri Lankans placed their trust in the NPP/JVP for two main reasons. First, widespread frustration with previous governments over corruption, abuse of power, and economic mismanagement had contributed to the country’s bankruptcy. Second, the NPP/JVP’s promises of systemic change, accountability, institutional reform, honesty, integrity, humility, and a better economic future convinced voters that a new political force deserved support.

As a concerned citizen who cares deeply about the future of Sri Lanka, I believe it is my responsibility to highlight the good, the bad, and the ugly aspects of the NPP/JVP’s governance. The intention is not merely to criticise but to draw attention to areas that require improvement so that the government can better meet the expectations of the public. If these shortcomings are not addressed, they could create space for more polarised political alternatives, increasing political instability and social tensions in Sri Lanka.

Good Developments

There has been observable progress in several areas, while acknowledging that some of these reforms and initiatives were inherited from the previous government. The following is a brief account of developments that, in my view, are worthy of recognition and public consideration.

Bribery and Corruption: More visible steps have been taken to curb bribery and corruption in the public sector since the change of government. There are indications of a stronger deterrent effect against giving or accepting bribes among public servants, which is a positive sign. There are also signs of a stronger emphasis on public servants performing their duties in accordance with established rules rather than political influence and there is greater willingness to investigate and pursue corruption.

Drug Cartels and Organised Crimes – Credit must be given to the NPP/JVP Government for taking strong and decisive measures to combat organised gangs involved in the importation, distribution, and sale of narcotic drugs. The drug menace has become a serious cancer within our society, destroying lives, weakening families, and placing the future of our younger generation at great risk. This is not an issue that can be solved by the Government alone.

Let us stand together in support of genuine efforts to dismantle the drug networks operating in Sri Lanka and protect our children and young people from this growing threat. Together, we can work towards making Sri Lanka a safer, healthier, and drug-free country for future generations.

Public Transport: It is encouraging to see greater attention being given to improving Sri Lanka’s public transport system, particularly the long-neglected bus and rail services. Years of poor management, underinvestment and political interference have contributed to the decline of these essential services, while private operators have often provided an unacceptable service at unreasonable prices.

Introduction of a new fleet of comfortable buses, modernisation of main bus service management places, and improvements to main railway stations are some of the notable improvements to the ailing transport system. There is still a long way to go, but the initiatives appear to be moving in the right direction.

Fiscal Discipline and Public Finance: The government has broadly stayed within the IMF programme began under the previous administration and maintained fiscal consolidation. The IMF reported that most quantitative targets were met and that the debt restructuring process was progressing.

Economy: Sri Lanka recorded around 5% economic growth in 2025 and while inflation remained relatively subdued, although it began to rise as domestic demand recovered. The NPP/JVP government deserves credit for maintaining the broad economic stabilisation framework and IMF programme inherited from the previous administration, rather than attempting a disruptive change of course.

Bad Behaviour

Political Leadership: Effective political leadership is not based on a single trait. A successful government requires cabinet members to demonstrate a shared vision, integrity, humility, wisdom, effective communication, and the ability to make timely, practical decisions. Public trust and legitimacy depend on ethical and transparent leadership.

Leaders should lead from the front, empower managers to perform effectively, and allow managers and administrators to manage and motivate their workforce. However, many NPP/JVP leaders appear increasingly involved in day-to-day operations and direct engagement with ground-level staff rather than leading through established management structures. Even the President has participated in workplace meetings to address routine operational matters. This risks creating a culture of micro-management rather than strategic leadership.

In a large and complex public service, excessive ministerial involvement can weaken managerial accountability and institutional capacity. While command-and-control leadership may deliver short-term results, it is unlikely to be sustainable in the long term. NPP/JVP leaders should focus on empowering managers, strengthening leadership at every level, and building capable institutions.

Changing the public service mindset will also require practical and motivational training across all departments for a reasonable time. Employees should understand how their attitudes and behaviour directly affect public service delivery. Those who consistently fail to improve despite appropriate training and support should be subject to established performance-management and disciplinary procedures, including termination where justified.

Honesty, Integrity, and Humility: During the election campaign and after taking office, the NPP/JVP presented honesty, integrity, humility, and accountability as the defining principles of its government while condemning the corruption of previous administrations. However, a series of controversies has raised questions about whether these standards are being consistently upheld.

Among the most widely discussed issues are the controversy involving the first NPP/JVP Speaker of Parliament, who continues to enjoy MP privileges; the release of more than 300 “red alert” shipping containers without full inspection; the resignation of the Minister of Power and Energy following concerns in the Auditor General’s report on coal procurement; and the non-disclosure of President AKD’s agreement with Indian Prime Minister Modi, despite repeated promises of transparency.

Other concerns include the continuation of IMF policies previously criticised by the NPP/JVP, questionable Treasury payments to unknown sources, and claims of payments to contractors for work already completed at public expense. Critics have also questioned whether some recent appointments to senior public positions reflect the same political influence that the NPP/JVP previously condemned.

Rather than addressing these concerns with clear explanations, several ministers and MPs have dismissed them. While no government is free from mistakes, public confidence is strengthened when leaders respond with openness, humility, and accountability.

Economic Policy Recovery: Prior to forming the government, the NPP/JVP claimed that it would renegotiate more favourable terms with the IMF and opposed the austerity measures agreed to by the previous administration. However, after assuming power, the NPP/JVP has continued the same IMF-backed policies it once criticised.

There has been little relief for the public in relation to electricity tariffs, fuel prices, and taxation, all of which remain at elevated levels compared to expectations raised before the government came to power. And concerns persist within the business community regarding policy uncertainty and the slow pace of private sector investment. Despite government claims of economic recovery, the local currency has also shown signs of weakening.

It is evident that the economy remains heavily dependent on IMF-supported reforms. In addition, the NPP/JVP government appears to be relying on tourism growth, remittances from expatriates, and foreign investment to drive economic recovery.

However, if these anticipated external inflows fail to materialise at sufficient levels, and in the absence of a well-planned and inclusive development strategy, the recovery may remain fragile, increasing the risk of the country reverting to conditions like those that preceded the 2022 crisis.

Although the NPP/JVP pledged to strengthen state-owned enterprises through improved management rather than privatisation, developments over the past one and a half years indicate a gradual shift toward public-private partnerships and selective privatisation.

The most significant transformation in the NPP/JVP’s economic approach is its apparent shift from advocating socialist-oriented economic policies to focusing instead on reforming and managing a capitalist economic framework. This marks a notable departure from the socialist rhetoric and policies it strongly promoted while in opposition and during the election campaigns.

Ugly Failures

Executive Presidency: It is disappointing that the NPP/JVP government has yet to take meaningful steps to abolish the Executive Presidency, a long-standing promise made by successive governments since 1994. The JVP itself was a leading advocate of this reform and supported previous governments based on this commitment. Yet none delivered.

During the 2024 election campaign, the NPP/JVP again pledged to abolish the Executive Presidency. After winning both the Presidency and a more than two-thirds parliamentary majority, the government has still failed, nearly two years later, to advance this crucial constitutional reform.

If the NPP/JVP does not honour this long-standing and widely supported promise, it will be a major disappointment to the many voters who expected the transfer of executive powers to Parliament.

Ministerial Responsibility: The violent uprising at Negombo Prison, which claimed nearly thirty lives, also raised fundamental questions about ministerial responsibility. Although the Minister of Justice accepted responsibility, he declined to resign, and his decision was defended by the government.

This contrasts with the long-established constitutional principle that ministers are accountable for serious failures within their portfolios, exemplified by Lord Carrington’s resignation as UK Foreign Secretary in 1982 following Argentina’s invasion of the Falkland Islands, despite accepting no personal blame. In his resignation letter, he stated, in essence: “I have been responsible for the conduct of that policy, and I think it right that I should resign.”

Whatever justifications were advanced by the senior Cabinet ministers in Parliament, the constitutional principle of ministerial responsibility remains well established. Ministers are accountable for serious failures that occur within their ministries and are expected to bear direct, vicarious, or political responsibility for such incidents. In circumstances of this nature, constitutional convention has often required the minister concerned to tender his or her resignation, regardless of personal culpability.

Sri Lankans expected not only a change of government but also a change in political culture, where ministers accepted constitutional responsibility and public office was exercised with honesty, transparency, humility, and integrity. The accumulation of these controversies has inevitably led many citizens to question whether those promises have been fully honoured.

Politicisation of Government Institutions: Despite NPP/JVP condemnation of previous regimes’ politicisation of the public institutions, they are practising the same policies in appointing officials for certain government top positions, is a step backwards on the path to rebuilding a free and independent public services, the country deserves.

Further accusations have been raised by both Tamil and Sinhalese opposition MPs that many appointments to the People’s Power (“Prajā Shakthi”) Committees are being made based on political affiliation with the NPP or JVP. This concern was highlighted during a recent District Development Committee meeting chaired by President AKD. If these allegations are true, the NPP/JVP would be acting in contradiction to its election promises to establish a politically independent public service in Sri Lanka.

Independence of the Judiciary- There is growing concern among the public and the legal profession over the government’s failure to fill vacancies in the Supreme Court and Court of Appeal. In defending its proposal to extend the retirement age of judges, the Minister of Justice cited practices in other western democracies.

While international comparisons may be relevant, extending the tenure of sitting judges could create a public perception that judges are indebted to the government that allowed them to remain in office. Even without any actual influence, this justifiable perception could undermine public confidence in judicial independence, particularly in cases involving the government.

The government’s justification that extending judges’ tenure will address shortages, reduce court workloads, and clear case backlogs is unconvincing. Had the government filled the current vacancies through the established constitutional process a year ago, experienced judges would already be serving, strengthening the courts, and helping reduce the backlog.

Therefore, concerns about the judicial independence and preservation of public confidence in the administration of justice, as raised by the Bar Association and the Opposition are justifiable and understandable.

Conclusion

The NPP/JVP’s performance nearly two years into its tenure, presents a mixed picture. Concerns are growing about the gap between pre-election promises and current policies. In politics, credibility is built on honesty and integrity, and once lost, it is difficult to regain. The failure to take meaningful steps toward abolishing the Executive Presidency, a central election pledge, has raised fundamental questions about the government’s commitment to its promises.

Weaknesses in governance and economic management are also becoming increasingly evident. Stronger leadership, more effective administration, and a robust economic strategy focused on investment, job creation, and poverty reduction are urgently needed.

Egotistical Slogans such as, “We are the only honest and capable politicians who can serve the country for the next twenty years,” are unnecessary and unhelpful in building bridges and working constructively with the opposition. NPP/JVP should bear in mind the famous saying, “A week is a long time in politics,” which serves as a reminder that political fortunes and public opinion can change rapidly.

Unless the NPP/JVP acknowledges these shortcomings and presents a clear, realistic plan to deliver on its commitments, the grand vision of a “rich and beautiful” Sri Lanka risks remaining a Political Fantasy rather than becoming the Reality many citizens hoped for.