
Wijayananda Jayaweera
Sri Lanka’s broadcasting sector is critically hampered by the absence of an independent, public service-oriented regulatory mechanism. Broadcasting frequencies, inherently public property, are currently managed in a manner that often prioritizes narrow interests over the fundamental rights to free speech and information. This brief argues for urgent legislative reform to establish a robust, independent regulatory framework rooted in the public interest. It outlines key legislative requirements, emphasizing the need for a consumer-centric approach, professional journalistic standards, and stringent content regulations, particularly concerning impartiality in news and election broadcasting. Drawing on international best practices and contrasting models of media regulation, this brief provides a blueprint for transforming Sri Lanka’s electronic media into a vital pillar of its democracy, capable of fostering an informed, enlightened, and diverse public discourse.
1. The Critical Need for Reform
The electronic mass media wields unparalleled influence in shaping societal understanding, identifying national challenges, and molding public opinion. For a significant portion of the population, daily social reality is largely constructed through the lens of electronic media. Given that broadcasting frequencies are public property and the freedom of speech and information are constitutional rights, any regulatory mechanism governing electronic media must unequivocally serve the public interest. This necessitates an independent and robust framework, meticulously designed to be free from the undue influence of both government and private media proprietors, thereby safeguarding the media’s essential autonomy and integrity.
However, Sri Lanka’s past and proposed initiatives for broadcasting regulation have largely been autocratic, disregarding the essential public service remit. Recent regulatory drafts have aimed at enforcing a coerced coexistence between media owners and authorities, systematically marginalizing dissenting opinions and ensuring governmental oversight remains subservient to discretionary will. This approach has consistently overlooked the vital participatory roles of journalists, academics, social organizations, civil rights activists, and, crucially, the very consumers of media content. This brief advocates for a paradigm shift towards a Public Trustee Model of regulation, contrasting it with the prevalent Private Market Model, to ensure that Sri Lanka’s broadcasting sector genuinely serves its citizens.
2. Competing Models of Media Regulation: Private Market vs. Public Trustee
The debate surrounding electronic media regulation often revolves around two contrasting ideological models: the Private Market Model and the Public Trustee Model. Understanding these distinctions is crucial for charting a path forward for Sri Lanka.
2.1 The Private Market Model
This perspective posits that once broadcasting frequencies are leased, licensees should have unhindered freedom to operate their media outlets as profit-making businesses, influenced by market forces. Proponents argue that this fosters competition, leading to high-quality services that meet consumer demands. Under this model, regulation is minimal, primarily focused on preventing basic harm during licensing. Crucially, this concept of “harm minimization” often excludes vital conditions such as:
* Reliability of reporting: No inherent requirement for factual accuracy.
* Fairness in content: Bias is permissible if commercially or politically advantageous.
* Impartiality on controversial issues: Licensees are free to promote their own viewpoints.
In this model, the licensee’s right to expression is prioritized over the broader societal expression. The assumption is that if numerous private media outlets exist, their collective output will adequately represent diverse societal discourse. This perspective allows for partisan broadcasting, where consumers are expected to switch channels if they dislike a particular bias. Consumers are viewed primarily as passive individuals, akin to customers in any other commercial enterprise. This approach, as seen in the US after the suspension of the Fairness Doctrine, can lead to highly partisan channels significantly influencing public opinion.
2.2 The Public Trustee Model
In stark contrast, the Public Trustee Model asserts that certain public assets, like broadcasting frequencies, must be utilized fundamentally for the common good due to their unique nature. When these assets are transferred to the private sector, robust provisions must be in place to prevent their exploitation for narrow private interests detrimental to the public good. Broadcasting licenses are granted based on the understanding that licensees will operate reliably and responsibly, grounded in the Public Interest. Key conditions under this model include:
* Ethical information presentation: Strict adherence to journalistic professional ethics.
* Unwavering impartial conduct: Especially in controversial situations.
* Comprehensive harm minimization: Explicitly includes maintaining information reliability, fairness in reporting, and absolute impartiality.
* Consumer-centric approach: Prioritizes the consumer’s fundamental right to access comprehensive and reliable information over the media owner’s right to expression.
* License as a social contract: A broadcasting license is fundamentally an agreement between citizens and licensees to ensure these principles are upheld. An independent regulatory mechanism is responsible for enforcing this contract.
This model, prevalent in many European countries, views electronic media as an exceptionally vital component of the Public Sphere, emphasizing public service broadcasting and ensuring that private media also adhere to high standards of impartiality, particularly in news and current affairs.
3. Legislative Requirements for Transformation
To transform Sri Lanka’s broadcasting sector into a truly public service-oriented system, comprehensive legislative reforms are imperative. These reforms must establish an independent, robust, and transparent regulatory framework.
3.1 Establishing an Independent Regulatory Mechanism
The most prominent deficiency in Sri Lanka’s current broadcasting sector is the lack of an independent, public service-oriented regulatory body. Future legislation must:
* Ensure Autonomy: Design the regulatory body to be demonstrably free from political interference from the government and commercial influence from media proprietors. Its institutional structure must guarantee journalistic professional practice and editorial freedom.
* Broad Representation: Unlike past proposals that disregarded participatory roles, the new mechanism must explicitly allow for meaningful representation and input from journalists’ organizations, academics, civil society organizations, and consumers in decision-making processes, especially concerning media ethics and content standards.
* Direct Accountability: The regulatory body should be directly accountable to society for its functions and decisions, fostering public trust.
* Transparent Licensing: Establish a fair, competitive, and transparent system for issuing licenses and frequencies to broadcasters, free from arbitrary political discretion.
3.2 Fostering Professional Journalism and Editorial Independence
A public interest-driven broadcasting sector relies on high journalistic standards. Legislation must:
* Mandate Accuracy and Integrity: Require that information is correct, not misleading, and truthful, demanding thorough research and disciplined use of language and production techniques. Broadcasters must not show personal bias.
* Ensure Fairness: Information must report equitably all relevant facts and significant points of view, dealing fairly and ethically with persons, institutions, issues, and events.
* Protect Journalistic Freedom: Uphold the principle of journalistic freedom, including the crucial protection of journalists’ sources.
* Prohibit Undue Influence: Explicitly prohibit advertising, commercial, political, or personal considerations from influencing editorial decisions and programming.
* Guarantee Editorial Independence: Ensure that broadcasting services have guaranteed editorial independence, free from cross-media ownership pressures.
4. Content Regulation: Emphasizing Impartiality
Content regulation is central to a public service orientation, with impartiality being a cornerstone, particularly in news and election broadcasting.
4.1 Impartiality in News and Current Affairs
This is a critical area where current Sri Lankan law is deficient. Legislation must:
* Mandate Impartiality: Require news and current affairs programs to be presented with due impartiality. This means that in matters of political or industrial controversy and matters relating to current public policy, licensees are legally bound to act impartially and avoid taking sides.
* Present Diverse Viewpoints: Licensees must be legally obligated to present all significant viewpoints to listeners or viewers on controversial matters, rather than imposing their own preferences.
* Prohibit Editorial Positions: Prohibit broadcasters from taking any editorial position or airing their own views during news and current affairs programs (as seen in Irish law).
* Combat Homophily/Echo Chambers: Recognize the risk of “homophily” or the “echo chamber effect” in the digital age, where individuals tend to seek out information confirming their existing views. This underscores the vital need for major outlets with significant reach to be committed to reflecting an impartial diversity of views to prevent societal polarization.
* Regulatory Law, Not Just Election Law: The requirement for impartiality must be firmly embedded within the electronic media regulatory law itself, not merely relegated to electoral law. This ensures consistent application beyond election periods and prevents media owners from manipulating public opinion on broader policy issues.
4.2 Election Guidelines
Election coverage demands stringent impartiality to ensure democratic integrity. Legislation should:
* Ensure Fair Coverage: Mandate that broadcasters behave fairly during election periods. “Fair” does not necessarily mean “equal”; major parties may receive greater coverage, but a wide range of party political views must be represented when election issues are discussed.
* Party Election Broadcasts (PEBs): Provide for dedicated airtime for PEBs, with clear, pre-determined formulas for allocation based on criteria such as existing seats and contested seats (e.g., South Africa’s model of daily slots with clear identification).
* Rigorous Monitoring: Empower the regulator to rigorously monitor output and respond quickly to complaints during election periods.
4.3 Protection of Minors
Protecting children from harmful content is a universal concern. Legislation should include:
* Watershed System: Implement a “watershed” time after which progressively adult material can be shown. This requires public awareness campaigns and a gradual transition, not an abrupt shift.
* Information and Ratings: Mandate viewer advisories before programs containing sensitive content (e.g., mild violence, bad language) and/or implement a rating system for age suitability, similar to film classifications.
* Balance: Strike a balance between protecting children and providing appropriate content for adult audiences, avoiding blanket bans on adult themes.
* Privacy: Pay special attention to children’s privacy, recognizing their vulnerability and inability to give informed consent, ensuring broadcasters do not abuse their trust.
4.4 Offence to Human Dignity, Taste, and Decency
Content standards must respect human dignity and fundamental rights, while acknowledging cultural sensitivities. Legislation should:
* Respect Dignity: Require all program services to respect human dignity and the fundamental rights of others.
* Contextual Definition: Recognize that what constitutes “offensive” or “bad taste” varies culturally and contextually, requiring national definitions and discretion in application.
4.5 Protection Against Racial or Ethnic Hatred
Given broadcasting’s powerful influence, particularly in contexts of community tension, legislation must:
* Zero Tolerance for Hate Speech: Include a strongly worded rule prohibiting the broadcast of any material that may incite hatred on grounds of race, ethnicity, tribal origin, religion, sex, or nationality.
* Decisive Regulatory Action: Empower the regulator to act decisively in shutting down broadcasters responsible for hate material, especially during internal unrest or transitioning from conflict.
4.6 Religious Programmes
Regulation of religious programming requires a balance between religious freedom and preventing community tension. Legislation should:
* Prohibit Incitement to Hatred: Include an overarching provision prohibiting incitement to religious hatred.
* Contextual Licensing: Allow for jurisdiction-specific decisions on licensing religious stations, considering cultural context, popular demand, and frequency availability, while ensuring compliance with general ownership rules.
* Protect Sensitivities: Consider additional rules to protect the particular sensitivities of religious groups, balancing freedom of expression against potential offense to public sensibilities.
4.7 Protection of the Individual: Privacy and Right of Reply
Legislation must safeguard individual rights in the broadcasting context:
* Privacy: Balance the fundamental human right to privacy against the public’s right to receive information. Any infringement of privacy must be justified by an “overriding public interest” (e.g., revealing crime, protecting public health, exposing misleading claims, or significant incompetence in public office).
* Right of Reply: Establish a clear right of reply for individuals or organizations criticized in a program. This includes a timely and appropriate opportunity to respond, with the regulator having the power to order a correction or statement to be broadcast.
5. Transforming State Media: A Cornerstone of Public Service
Beyond regulating private media, a fundamental transformation of existing partisan state media into impartial, independent public service electronic media is crucial for Sri Lanka’s democratic health.
* Emulate Best Practices: Draw inspiration from high-quality public service media systems globally (e.g., BBC, Scandinavian public service broadcasters, Japan, Canada, Australia, Switzerland, Germany, France), which are recognized as essential components of developed democracies.
* Institutional Independence: Establish state media with institutional structures that are unequivocally independent of governmental and commercial influences, guaranteeing journalistic professional practice and editorial freedom.
* Financial Autonomy: Ensure adequate financial resources and highly professional staff to produce and present high-quality, diverse programs that enlighten society politically, economically, educationally, culturally, and aesthetically.
* Constitutional Provisions: Modern constitutional drafters should consider the necessity of an independent public service electronic media as an essential component of a developed democratic governance system and make explicit constitutional provisions for it. Attributing importance to a public service media-led mass media system, akin to education, health, and sanitation, is becoming a prerequisite for building a developed society.
6. Conclusion and Recommendations
The current state of Sri Lanka’s broadcasting sector, characterized by a lack of independent, public interest-driven regulation, poses a significant threat to democratic discourse and an informed citizenry. A comprehensive legislative overhaul is urgently needed to shift from a fragmented, often partisan, media landscape to one firmly rooted in public service.
Recommendations for Legislative Action:
* Enact a new Broadcasting Act that explicitly establishes an independent regulatory authority, free from political and commercial interference, with broad stakeholder representation.
* Legally mandate the Public Trustee Model for all broadcasting licenses, ensuring that frequencies, as public assets, are utilized for the common good, with clear contractual obligations for licensees.
* Implement stringent content regulations that enforce accuracy, integrity, fairness, and, critically, unwavering impartiality in all news, current affairs, and election broadcasting, explicitly prohibiting editorial positions by licensees.
* Introduce robust provisions for child protection (watershed, ratings, advisories) and safeguards against content inciting hatred, violence, or undermining human dignity.
* Strengthen individual rights through legally guaranteed privacy protections and a clear right of reply for those criticized in broadcasts.
* Initiate a parallel legislative process to transform existing state media into truly independent public service broadcasters, ensuring their financial autonomy and professional integrity, making them a cornerstone of Sri Lanka’s democratic infrastructure.
By embracing these legislative requirements, Sri Lanka can foster a broadcasting sector that not only informs but also enlightens its citizens, promotes reasoned public discourse, and strengthens the foundations of its democracy for a new and healthy political dispensation.
old codger / July 17, 2025
I wish to comment on the segment titled “religious broadcasting”.
It is a fact that , on every single Poya Day, all TV channels go to town with exaggerated sanctimony, while on other days news programs are filled with murders and violence. Is there any regulation which mandates this force-feeding of a particular religion?
If there isn’t, are there forces which are capable of subverting the constitutional rights of citizens to be free of religious coercion?
If there are people who want to watch “bana” all day, there are at least three free channels they can use. It is not necessary to inflict this on others who want to relax on a holiday.
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old codger / July 17, 2025
“Initiate a parallel legislative process to transform existing state media into truly independent public service broadcasters, “
That is rather a pipe-dream. But given the state of private TV channels, I would class the state media as the most (relatively) impartial. The rest are full of sensationalism and disguised personality cults.
Hiru TV for example pretends that Duminda Silva (the owner’s brother) doesn’t exist. Then there is Siyatha, which has institutionalised daily editorialization, and even gets prizes for it!
One must be thankful that the government hasn’t banned YouTube or the streaming services.
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