By Siri Gamage –

Dr. Siri Gamage

The parliamentary election on 14th November 2024 was to be like no other in Sri Lanka’s post independent history. Like the Presidential election held on September 21st, it was another ground-breaking expression of people’s will to change the government at a peaceful election. In particular, the result will empower the disempowered and marginalised people from lower socio-economic classes and those from rural and urban fringes who have been misled by previous rulers either by offering temporary inducements while enjoying the aura of power or spreading fear about the different other-generally ethnic minorities- and expensive media campaigns.

Those who live in various parts of the island especially remote districts used to experience the hardships of colonial administration and harsh environment before the independence. Situation did not improve much after independence as structures of power were dominated by the elitist, English educated ruling class initially. Then came those who were Swabhasa educated Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim leaders -some with English as second language- controlling the government machinery along with the day to day life of the people. Unfretted power offered to elected representatives including the executive President by the system had evolved into a de facto deformed undemocratic system to serve the interests of the politicians and their closest family and friends rather than the people at large. Though such a situation had been in operation for decades, it was the NPP that was able to articulate this to a majority of Lankans from all walks of life and command a significant majority in the September Presidential election and now at the parliamentary election.

National People Power (NPP), the alliance of a range of groups and individuals including Janata Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), was in a unique position as it won the Presidential elections last month. It did not form any alliance with traditional parties or alliances. It campaigned on a “clean platform” claiming that its members were not corrupt. During the last two years, it developed a grassroots network of supporters and empathisers who were also educated about the existing problems in society and government, what needs to be done to correct it and the need for a system change (political, economic and cultural).

This need emerged during the 2022 Aragalaya period. However, with the departure of Former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and selection of Ranil Wickremesinghe as the interim President, aims of Aragalaya could not be achieved. It was because instead of a system change, Ranil and his government consolidated the political and governance establishment with the support of security forces and the police.

It was ironical that the NPP had to devise a much broader movement across the country to win power at the national elections in 2024 and form a people’s government. This was no easy task given the JVP, main party in NPP held only 3 seats in the parliament. NPP was against a very powerful traditional political establishment appearing in diverse forms publicly. Nonetheless, ground conditions including cost of living challenges, failures of key areas for human sustenance such as education and health coupled with widespread accusations of government corruption and waste plus mismanagement changed substantially during the last two years to allow the NPP to claim victory. Today, the stage is set for the NPP to gain an overwhelming majority in the parliament with the expected result in Parliamentary elections. Early postal results indicate that the NPP will have a commanding majority in the new parliament setting a new record in Lankan elections and politics.

If NPP receives such a majority, it will be able to pass legislation without much difficulty similar to the previous period where Podu Jana Peramuna – party of the Rajapaksas – enjoyed a majority along with its affiliated groups/parties. To make changes to the existing constitution or introduce a new one, NPP will require a 2/3rd majority. Given the way the voters have rallied around NPP during the Presidential election and now the Parliamentary election, it is highly likely that NPP will be able to enjoy such a majority. On one hand, given the nature of challenges to be addressed to keep the boat at least floating, one can argue that such a majority is desirable. The counter argument is that when the executive President and his party has so much power, giving his party a 2/3rd majority will create a democratic dictatorship. Thus, the argument that the country needs a powerful opposition to make sure there is enough checks and balances in the decision-making process in the legislature also has some validity. Nonetheless, a divided parliament can only stifle the policy agenda of NPP government.

Media discussions are starting to focus on the potential lack of a strong opposition. However, given the dire situation existing in the country requiring a system change and validation of a strong governing party to direct the future governance decisions, the NPP victory in both elections will set the stage for a truly new era to allow the new political formation to create a renewal (punarudaya) in all dimensions of social organisation.

However, a question that will remain unanswered for a while is the extent to which the new government will utilise the existing political and administrative system based on various hierarchies and trickle-down economics to achieve the NPP objectives or introduce a different system based on collectivism, participatory and transparent democracy, and sustainable and progressive development principles and practices?

As the outcome on Thursday’s parliamentary election becomes clearer, it is certain that Sri Lanka’s political landscape will be very different from what existed before. Firstly, a new generation of politicians have been empowered to drive the governance mechanism and process for the next 5 years. It is a generational shift that was overdue. Members of this generation are conscious about the historic role they have to play to ensure there is a system change. They are also educated through formal and informal education (e.g. life experience). They are united by conviction along party lines of course.

Secondly, for better or worse, the political culture will be different in the new parliament and governance circles. If the NPP keeps its promises, there will be no room for corruption, neglect, waste and mismanagement. Thirdly, there will be a sense of relief on the part of majority who were disempowered by the previously powerful elitist political establishment knowing that current leaders will do the right thing by them. Nepotism and ethnic divisions will not have a place in modern governance either. Rulers will take measures to stamp out inefficiencies in government institutions. Fourthly, citizens’ rights will be ensured along with the rule of law. Finally, Sri Lanka will move from a backward country with so many solvable problems and a place that pushed its professionals to seek a livelihood in other countries to a united and forward-looking country on par with its neighbours that are advanced technologically, educationally, professionally and service provisions in areas like health, human well-being, respect for each other etc.

Addressing the economic problem is a major need of the hour. It is known that the new government will take steps to improve tourism, IT sector, industry, manufacturing and agriculture. With the help of economists and others the government is taking necessary steps to advance this dimension. Institutional reform is another dimension to address (more on this later). Mobilising the people from all walks of life for a common vision and goals is another challenge. Most of all, Sri Lankans whether they live in the country or overseas, will be able to express a sigh of relief if the system change takes place in a methodical and productive manner with no major hardships to the citizens.

It is apparent some commentators try to label the new government’s policy as neoliberal or State led(statist) and criticise unfairly. Rather than such labelling, we need to help the new government to utilise workable models and policies -whether private or public- to suit our context and people’s short to medium term needs. We have to realise that the options available to the government to take significant steps to solve issues and challenges are limited due to the precarious economic conditions together with the debt crisis. Therefore, giving the new government sufficient time to re-organise its institutions and implement policies is necessary.

If the final result from the parliamentary election confirms the dominance of NPP and the lack of a powerful opposition mainly with the establishment parties that failed the country over decades of nepotistic rule, the free media may be able to perform the task of a viable opposition to some extent. Let’s hope that the new era led by AKD will usher in the many benefits to be achieved from a system change within and outside! Whether the new system will be in line with the Marxist, Neoliberal, Buddhist or some other “ism” will become clear as the days and months pass.

What I surmise is that at least in the first year, the new government will use a mix of the old system with some reforms until those who drive the change will have enough space to articulate and implement a totally different system in line with the new mandate including a new constitution. The latter will be a mix of globalism and indigeneity based on collectivism, cooperation, interdependence, and participation rather than domination, alienation of the subaltern classes and dependence on external agencies including the IMF, World Bank etc. My hope is that the new government will be able to create conditions for a self-sustaining, sustainable system with global links to fulfil the many aspirations of citizens without violence, intimidation, exclusion and conflict!

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