29 October, 2020

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Government’s Consolidates Relationship With International Community – Next Steps 

By Jehan Perera

Jehan Perera

Jehan Perera

The visit last week to Sri Lanka of UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon was in contrast to his previous visit in 2009, a few weeks after the country’s three decade long internal war came to its violent denouement. With the aftershocks of the war still subsiding his visit was neither encouraged nor welcomed by the then government. This time around the Sri Lankan government actively sought the visit of the UN Secretary General. It had achievements to show, and highlight, as they were oriented to good governance and reconciliation. Mr Ban Ki-moon appreciated the passage of the 19th Amendment to the constitution whereby the newly elected president voluntarily relinquished some of the extraordinary powers vested in the presidency. He also referred to the Right to Information Act which brings Sri Lanka to the fore of transparent government in terms of its potential.

In a speech he delivered during his visit the UN Secretary General said “This is my first visit to Sri Lanka since 2009, when I saw great suffering and hardship. Hundreds of thousands of people were displaced and in need of humanitarian aid after the terrible conflict that tore the country apart…Today, the picture is very different. I congratulate the Government and people of Sri Lanka for the progress you have made.” The aftermath of the war’s end in 2009 saw the incarceration of about 300,000 people who had been living in the battleground areas of the last phase of the war. These included tens of thousands of children, nursing mothers and the elderly and feeble. With single minded zeal to safeguard the country from terrorism, these war survivors were held in barbed wire camps in primitive conditions to ensure that LTTE members amongst them could be weeded out.Ban Ki-moon and Maithripala Sirisena

What seems to have impressed the UN Secretary General most of all was the visible difference he saw in the north of Sri Lanka that has occurred between2009 and 2016. When he visited Sri Lanka in 2009 the war was just coming to an end. Thereafter he would have seen the incarceration of the 300,000 people that took place after the war. He also saw the vast destruction that war had brought to the north of the country. This time when he visited the change is remarkable. There is considerable reconstruction that has taken place with the road system better than it ever was in the past and with construction boom of new buildings, both by government and private investors. There is freedom of movement and freedom of speech. Freedom from fear is almost total, except for the apprehension that the present situation may not be sustainable and the past will come back to haunt the country.

Open Government 

The rebuilding that has been taking place in the north, and which favourably impressed the visiting UN Secretary General is not a recent phenomenon. The large scale investments in infrastructure, including roads and public buildings, began shortly after the war ended under the previous government. It was unfortunate that the suspicions of the then government towards the Tamil people and international community meant that they did not trust members of the international community to come and see for themselves how life had changed in the country after the war. The previous government even debarred the handpicked team of investigators appointed by the UN Secretary General to visit Sri Lanka to investigate the last phase of the war. If they had been permitted to visit Sri Lanka and collect their information they would have seen for themselves that changes for the better were taking place after the war.

The major transformation in Sri Lanka at the present time is the openness of the government to the international community in all aspects. The passage of the Office of Missing Persons Act through Parliament shows that the government is serious about keeping its promises regarding the transitional justice process. The government is aware that it co-sponsored the UN Human Rights Council resolution on achieving post-war reconciliation and upholding of human rights, and therefore needs to keep its side of the agreement. It also knows it has to honour economic contracts, such as those with China, even if they were signed by members of the previous government on unfavourable terms to Sri Lanka. In addition, Prime Minister Ranil Wickemesinghe is travelling to different countries taking with him the message that Sri Lanka can become an example of post-war reconciliation and economic development.

Last week Sri Lanka hosted the 6th annual Defence Seminar which was appropriately titled “Soft Power and its Influence on Global Issues” and was attended by leading military commanders and scholars from around the world. The country defeated separatist militancy through the use of hard military power. The thrust of Foreign Secretary Esala Weerakoon’s concluding speech was that Sri Lanka’s soft power will also be how to win the peace and ensure that the country’s security forces are a respected and trusted part of the state alongside other institutions of good governance and rule-based systems such as an independent judiciary, public service, election commission and human rights commission. From January 2015 onwards, with the election of a national unity government headed by President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, Sri Lanka has been on a course of democratic transition that has brought a shift in policy and in thinking on issues of governance and the protection of human rights meet international expectations.

Domestic Challenge 

Now that the government is winning the hearts and minds of the international community, it is necessary to focus its attention on achieving similar success with the local population. At the time it defeated the previous government headed by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, the new government generated enormous goodwill and positive expectations, particularly from those sectors of the population who felt under threat from the ethnic nationalism of the previous government which utilized the hard power of the state to intimidate and suppress them. However, this goodwill is in danger of being eroded due to the failure to implement changes on the ground. In recognition of the disillusionment that can set in, President Maithripala Sirisena’s affirmed that the problem of displacement will be addressed within three months in an effort to win the hearts and minds of the Tamil people.

There is also a need on the part of the government to keep the general public informed about the reforms it is planning both with respect to constitutional reform and the reconciliation process. It was reported last week that the government has fast-tracked the process of drafting the new Constitution. The Steering Committee which is drafting the constitutional proposals has decided to hold meeting on consecutive days so as to complete its task as early as possible. Four out of six sub-committees appointed to work on different aspects of the Constitution have submitted their reports to the Steering Committee headed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe. The remaining two subcommittees were requested to submit their reports by the end of last week. The Steering Committee will incorporate the recommendations before compiling the final report to be presented to Parliament.

However, the general public knows little or nothing about the content of these constitutional reform proposals. This was reflected in a civil society meeting which was addressed by an opposition parliamentarian also last week. The theme of the discussion was the lack of transparency in the constitutional reform process and the dangers that can arise from it. He had said that there was a proposal to have a special constitutional court that would not be under the Supreme Court in matters of governance, and this could lead to authoritarian rule. The problem with the present lack of transparency is that it enables the opposition to make the case that both the constitutional reforms and the reconciliation process are jeopardizing the sovereignty and unity of the country. The less than enthusiastic local media coverage of the UN Secretary General’s visit reflects this suspicious thinking within the larger society whose hearts and minds are yet to be won over to the government’s political reform process.

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    http://insidestory.org.au/unfinished-business-in-sri-lanka Alan Keenan
    1/09/2016

    When UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon touched down in Sri Lanka yesterday, he arrived in a very different country from the one he last saw, immediately following the end of the civil war. Back then, in May 2009 , he was shocked by the physical devastation and human toll of the final months of war, when as many as 40,000 civilians are believed to have been killed in the north and east. The internal review he ordered faulted the United Nations for its “systemic failure” to protect human rights and civilian lives at the war’s end.
    Today, much of the physical damage has been repaired. Since 2015, a new government led by president Maithripala Sirisena has championed a reform agenda that includes important commitments to end impunity, promote the rule of law, and encourage reconciliation. Yet political, social and psychological wounds run deep throughout the country, threatening the fragile progress made so far.
    The UN has a mixed history in Sri Lanka. On Ban’s last visit, the country was ruled by president Mahinda Rajapaksa and his powerful family, riding high on the wave of triumphalism and Sinhala nationalism that followed the military’s defeat of the Tamil Tigers. A panel of experts Ban appointed in 2010 found credible allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity by both sides. Although it was denounced by the government and its nationalist supporters, the panel’s report contributed to the series of increasingly strong resolutions by the UN Human Rights Council calling for accountability and reconciliation.

    1 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/8065594.stm
    2 https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/un-sri-lankas-crushing-of-tamil-tigers-may-have-killed-40000-civilians/2011/04/21/AFU14hJE_story.html
    3 http://www.un.org/News/dh/infocus/Sri_Lanka/The_Internal_Review_Panel_report_on_Sri_Lanka.pdf
    4 https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-asia/sri-lanka/sri-lanka-jumpstarting-reform-process
    5 http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=38187#.V8waj4-cFZV

    The defeat of Rajapaksa and election of Sirisena as president in January 2015 opened unexpected space in Sri Lanka for the Human Rights Council’s resolutions to be acted on. It also marked a growing acceptance that reconciliation required accountability for war crimes and for corruption and the abuse of power.
    Sirisena’s new government co-sponsored a landmark resolution adopted by the Human Rights Council in October 2015, which committed his administration to establishing offices on missing persons and reparations, a truth commission, and a special court to hear cases of alleged crimes during the war – including extrajudicial killings, torture, rape and sexual violence. The government also promised to investigate other human rights cases, restore the independence of the judiciary and police, reduce the role of the military and agree on constitutional reforms to address the political marginalisation of Sri Lankan Tamils, which gave birth to the years of war and terror.
    UN agencies are actively supporting the Sirisena government’s reform agenda, but government efforts have been under-resourcedand weakened by mixed messages and confused lines of authority. Clear direction from the president and from prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has been lacking. While there is much greater space for dissent, some improvement in rights protections, and progress towards a new constitution, there has been no decisive break with the culture of impunity. Meanwhile, key sectors within the government are actively undermining reforms.
    Take, for example, the government’s pledge to the Human Rights Council that it would replace the Prevention of Terrorism Act with new laws consistent with human rights standards. Despite that undertaking, police continue to make arrests under this repressive legislation, and some 200 Tamils are still detained under its provisions, many held for years without charge.
    Security officials have reportedly interfered with police investigations that implicate military intelligence units in murders and abductions during the Rajapaksa years. Defence budgets have grown and the military remains a powerful presence in Tamil majority regions, running hotels and other businesses and occupying large amounts of private land. Tamils are increasingly angry at the government’s failure to live up to its promises on all these issues.
    Ban should urge that the military cooperate with the police and judiciary. He should also offer UN assistance for the Sri Lankan military’s transition to peacetime duties in two ways: by helping to assess its landholdings and assisting families returning to previously occupied land, and by assisting with job training for retiring soldiers and psycho-social support to veterans and families.
    While parliament’s approval earlier this month of a bill to establish the Office on Missing Persons is a welcome first step, Ban must press the president and prime minister to implement all of its promises to the Human Rights Council. A key element of these commitments is a special court for war-related crimes, with the “participation… of Commonwealth and other foreign judges, defence lawyers and authorised prosecutors and investigators.” With nationalists arguing this is an infringement on Sri Lanka’s sovereignty, the president and prime minister have reversed position and rejected foreign judges.
    Although the Sirisena government co-sponsored the Human Rights Council resolution last year, it now seems to be dragging its feet. It appears increasingly that the government does not intend to pass the legislation needed to establish the special court before the Council meets in March 2017, a move that could help to evade further international scrutiny .
    Ban must make clear his support for continued oversight by the UN Human Rights Council until the government has passed the legislation needed to establish a strong court with the legal basis and the expertise – including international participation – to prosecute war crimes and crimes against humanity. Even if the government succeeds in winning approval for a constitution that reflects Sri Lanka’s ethnic, linguistic and religious diversity, that will not be enough to ensure reconciliation in the absence of accountability.
    Ban should encourage Sirisena and Wickremesinghe to make a much stronger public case – especially to Sinhalese communities – in support of their transitional justice and constitutional initiatives. While resistance from Sinhala nationalists and the Rajapaksa-led opposition is real, strong public outreach and the government’s two-thirds parliamentary majority provide a once-in-a-generation opportunity to address both the causes and consequences of Sri Lanka’s thirty years of war. As part of this, Ban should also urge that the design of the court and the truth commission take into account the recommendations of public consultations now under way across the island.
    Finally, Ban should acknowledge the UN’s failure to protect Sri Lankans during the final months of the war and its immediate aftermath, and commit the UN to an active role defending rights through its ongoing work in Sri Lanka. This should include an expanded presence of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and improved vetting of the human rights record of military personnel who serve in UN missions – particularly with respect to allegations of sexual abuse.
    Above all, UN member states must back up Ban’s words with the right combination of encouragement and pressure needed to deepen and sustain the potentially historic transformation now under way in Sri Lanka. With the UN’s help, Sri Lanka could yet build a state that respects the rule of law and protects the rights of all its citizens. •

    6 https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2015/10/sri-lanka-un-war-crimes-resolution-marks-a-turning-point-for-victims/
    7 https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/sep/16/un-seeks-special-court-to-investigate-sri-lanka-war-atrocities
    8 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-36378789
    9 https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/jun/27/sri-lanka-wants-the-world-to-forget-about-justice-for-war-victims-please-dont
    10 http://blog.crisisgroup.org/asia/2016/06/17/impunity-and-justice-why-the-un-human-rights-council-must-stay-engaged-in-sri-lanka/

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    So SL Ambassador is brutally assaulted in Malaysia by Known LTTE group and this just did not make the colombo telegraph news. How very convenient, Wonder who is censoring CMB Telegraph on this news?

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    submission made by a group of Tamil Civil Society Organisations in Sri Lanka, to the UN Secy General during his recent visit to Sri Lanka.

    It sets out quite succinctly the concerns and the expectations of the Tamils of Sri Lanka from the Transitional Justice process under the auspices of the UN.

    Kilinochchi,

    02 September 2016

    His Excellency Ban Ki Moon

    Secretary General, United Nations,

    UN Headquarters. New York, NY 1007.

    Your Excellency,

    Visit to Sri Lanka: Concerns of the Tamil Community in relation to the Transitional Justice Process

    We the undersigned Tamil activists and organisations working in the North and East of Sri Lanka wish to raise serious concerns regarding the transitional justice process currently underway in our country.

    We hope that your visit takes critical stock of the developments in Sri Lanka since January 2015 and helps to reinforce the need to adhere to the international normative framework on ‘transitional justice’1. While any international framework needs to be take account of the specific context of any situation, ignoring key values developed over many decades will do irreparable damage to victims in Sri Lanka. We fear that the process unfolding in Sri Lanka is contrary to the basic principles enshrined within the framework and we highlight our concerns below. We believe there is no serious political will on the part of the Government to deliver a genuine truth and justice process.

    1. The national consultations are tokenistic and have minimal or no impact on the design of the mechanisms: The National Consultation Process on Transitional Justice being coordinated by the Consultation Task Force on Reconciliation Mechanisms (“CTF”) has turned out to be a tokenistic exercise that is having no impact on the design of the transitional justice mechanisms. The process adopted in setting up the Office for Missing Persons (“OMP”) is indicative of this tokenistic approach.

    In the second week of May 2016, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, independent of the CTF, met with some families of the disappeared providing them with a two page leaflet on the OMP while refusing to release details of the OMP Bill that had been shared with some sections of civil society in Colombo and certain political parties aligned with the Government. At the meeting families of the disappeared

    1 We use the word ‘transitional justice’ with caution. Many Tamil victims and activists strongly believe that there has been no ‘transition’ in Sri Lanka and hence that there is a lack of context to even speak of ‘transitional justice’.

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    raised objections to the haphazard short-circuited nature of the consultations on the OMP and also asked questions about the substantive content of the proposals based on the minimal information made available to them. The Government for the first time made the OMP Bill public by placing it on the order paper of Parliament on the 22nd of June 2016. The Bill had not taken on board any of the significant concerns raised by the victims which would have strengthened the substantive content of the Bill. Indeed, the only opportunity that the victims had to comment on its contents was in May.

    The CTF subsequently organised a fast tracked consultation process with relevant actors on the OMP, realising that the mechanism was going to be set up before the national consultations had concluded. The interim report from this consultation was published on 12 August 2016, on the same day the OMP Bill was set to be debated in Parliament. The CTF’s recommendations were ultimately of no consequence because Parliament passed the OMP Bill with no opportunity for debate. Irrespective of the lack of a debate, it is reported that more than a dozen amendments to the OMP Bill tabled by opposition parties were adopted in Parliament without any debate. Two weeks after the passage of the legislation, confusion remains as to what amendments were in fact enacted. Now the government has announced that new amendments to the OMP Bill may be brought in, again without proper public scrutiny and consultation.

    We are concerned that the government intends to set up the other mechanisms for transitional justice in a similarly haphazard and non-consultative manner. We understand that there is already a draft law on a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which once again, is only being circulated to certain segments of civil society in Colombo, but not to victims’ communities or organisations/activists that closely work with them in the North and East.

    This approach to consultations runs contrary to the recommendations of the Special Rapporteur on the Promotion of Truth, Justice, Reparations and the Guarantee of Non-recurrence following his visit to Sri Lanka in April 2015 that consultation with those affected by the violations is essential and that victims cannot simply be presented with ‘solutions’ without being involved in their design.2 In his observations on his second visit to Sri Lanka the Special Rapporteur noted that, ‘consulting victims is crucial because it constitutes in itself a mode of recognition and respect – that people whose rights were violated, often in the most brutal ways, will be listened to respectfully and their views taken seriously as to the most effective ways of redressing those violations”3.

    2 Available here: http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=15820&LangID=E

    3 Available here: http://www.ohchr.org/en/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=17029&LangID=E

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    Certain government and civil society actors have intimated that the short circuited consultations around the OMP are justifiable because the OMP Act in their view is well designed. However, this ignores the very real substantive concerns that victims voiced and continue to voice about the OMP Bill, including the process for appointments to the OMP, the connection or lack thereof to criminal prosecutions, the need to treat enforced disappearances as a separate issue, the composition of the investigative unit and the inclusion of ‘soldiers missing-in-action’ alongside other disappeared persons.

    The process of setting up the OMP is a clear case of victims being ‘presented with solutions’. Once more the victims have been given the appearance that their views will be respected and recognized while in fact they have been deliberately and grossly disrespected.

    If the OMP Bill is indicative of how consultations will be incorporated into the design of Sri Lanka’s transitional justice mechanisms, the National Consultation Process unfortunately only serves to placate the international community and not meaningfully to provide space for the views of victims and communities.

    2. The National Consultation Process is procedurally and substantively flawed: In addition to the National Consultations Process being completely ignored in the design of the mechanisms, the consultations themselves are being conducted in a manner that defies many salient features of an open, participatory and secure process outlined for example in The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights’ ‘Rule of Law Tools on Consultations’.

    The Task Force has been given inadequate resources and time and consequently there have been very few outreach activities to encourage wide participation in the consultation process. There is very little awareness about what the mandate of the CTF is, and even those who attend consultations have often voiced confusion about the purpose of the Task Force. Victims in the North and East are frustrated and tired of participating in these consultations after having already testified to numerous commissions and inquiries in the past with no outcome. Confusion around the CTF’s mandate only increases their reluctance to make yet another submission.

    Moreover the consultative processes in the North and East of the country are taking place under a highly securitized environment where there have been reports of intimidation and surveillance by Sri Lankan Army intelligence. In numerous instances, it has been reported that plainclothes military intelligence officers have been inside the consultations videotaping and photographing submissions being made. Even where a Zonal Task Force has given members of the public the opportunity to make their oral submissions privately, adequate

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    safeguards were not provided and those individuals were still speaking in full view of the public.

    3. Role of the Task Force and its perceived relationship with the Government.

    We are concerned about the close relationship of the Task Force, Civil Society members involved in the Task Force and their connection to the Government. The Task Force members themselves seem to have very strong views on the outcomes of the transitional justice process (which appear closely aligned with those of the Government). We fear that this may have an impact upon the impartial nature of the consultations. For example the training organized by the National Task Force for those in Zonal Task Forces (“ZTF”) recommended ZTF members point out the unrealistic prospects for international involvement in the mechanisms. This is in line with statements from the President and Prime Minister that clearly indicate their intention to withdraw from the obligations of the UNHRC 2015 Resolution where they agreed to set up a hybrid process for transitional justice. In fact at one of the consultations held in Colombo by the National Task Force the Chairperson was heard to say that ‘international participation would be too expensive for Sri Lanka’.

    4. Deeply penetrative militarization in the North and East and its impact on consultations: The Government has failed to take the necessary steps to create a conducive environment for the consultations and for the implementation of the mechanisms being considered. The impact of militarization on the consultation process has been extremely troubling and will ultimately extend to any mechanisms the government chooses to implement. In this regard, we are extremely concerned that sections of the Government have claimed that they have no control over the security apparatus. These claims are not substantiated and are rather being used as an excuse by the Government to avoid undertaking meaningful security sector reform that is essential for any transitional justice processes to have a meaningful impact on the lives of the people in the North and East. Furthermore the continuing use of the Prevention of Terrorism Act with a view to intimidating the population is unacceptable and creates an insecure environment for open dialogue about transitional justice. Credible reports suggest that the committee set up to review the PTA is composed of a majority of members from the security sector as well as public officials and individuals who are sympathetic to the views of the security establishment, including those who have been complicit in the obstruction of justice in regard to abuses committed under the cover of Sri Lanka’s security laws. Also of concern is the appointment of members to the Victim and Witness Protection Authority who have in the past been responsible for the abuse of victims and witnesess.

    5. Lack of an overall policy and political will on transitional justice: At the core of our concerns is what we believe is a lack of will on the part of the Government

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    to initiate any meaningful process for Transitional Justice. From the beginning we have articulated the need for the Government to put forward a coherent policy on Transitional Justice that lays out the inter-linkages between the different mechanisms. The Government has in various statements by the President and Prime Minister indicated that it will not initiate any criminal prosecutions that target the Sri Lankan Armed Forces. As a result we are skeptical that the delay in the Government releasing a coherent policy is merely part of the sequencing the Transitional Justice mechanisms. We are afraid that the strategy is to undermine the need for tackling impunity through criminal prosecutions. The Government and certain civil society actors have also been suggesting that the constitutional process currently underway should not be disrupted by demands for criminal prosecutions. This only repeats the discredited dichotomy of ‘peace versus justice’. In fact, we believe that the Government could demonstrate its commitment to transitional justice by incorporating a chapter or clauses that make reference to the same into the new constitution. Overall we are concerned that for the Government transitional justice is just a tool for managing foreign policy goals.

    We hope that Your Excellency will take up some of these concerns in your meeting with the Government. What Sri Lanka needs is not praise and recognition from the International Community but constructive and critical engagement that reminds the Government of its international obligations and obligations to its own people. We trust that you will use your trip to speak truth to power and not be allowed by those in power to instrumentalise your visit to further their political goals. In this regard we urge you to re-evaluate the overall UN policy towards Sri Lanka. A fundamental rethink that is willing to engage and listen to critical voices about the actual and real prospects for democratic transition and justice in Sri Lanka is essential for the UN not ton repeat its past mistakes as detailed in the Petrie Report.

    Signatories:

    Organisations

    1. Centre for Human Rights and Development

    2. Centre for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights

    3. Home for Human Rights

    4. Tamil Civil Society Forum

    5. The Social Architects

    About the signatory organisations:

    Home for Human Rights (HHR): HHR has close to 40 years of institutional history in documenting and litigating human rights in North-East Sri Lanka. Founded in 1977, the breadth of HHR’s focus includes the documentation and dissemination of

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    information; the provision of assistance for survivors; the provision and encouragement of legal intervention as well as active defense for those lacking the resources to defend themselves. It has offices in all districts in the North-East, one in Hatton and another in Colombo. HHR has represented over 33,000 Political Prisoners and documented around 90,000 human rights violations since its inception.

    Centre for Human Rights and Development (CHRD): CHRD founded almost 20 years ago is an organization of human rights lawyers who have over the past two decades appeared in numerous cases relating to political prisoners, disappearances, extra judicial killings and related all over the North and East of the country and in Colombo. They are also involved in Human Rights education, training and advocacy.

    Centre for Promotion and Protection of Human Rights (CPPHR): CPPHR is a Trincomalee based organization that has for many years engaged in public interest litigation, advocacy and documentation of human rights violations in Trincomalee.

    The Social Architects (TSA) is a collective of activists from the North-East formed with the intention of educating, informing and providing timely and thoughtful analysis on Sri Lankan issues. TSA recently released a film titled ‘Mutrupulliyaa’ that documents the impact of militarisation on the North-East. TSA also published an investigative report on coercive population control programmes in the North-East in 2014.

    Tamil Civil Society Forum (TCSF): TCSF founded in 2010 is a network of 100 plus civil society activists across the country. Its membership, drawn from community organisers, religious priests, academics, professionals and lawyers, have lived and worked in the North-East for many decades and have been leading voices for justice, peace and self-determination throughout the war and in the post-war context. TCSF provides a platform for these activists to network and take action collectively.

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    Why isn’t there any news of the attack on the Sri Lankan High Commissioner by Tamil Terrorists ?Reconciliation? You keep obsessing with Sri Lankan airlines and that poor bloke who is trying to fix things with errant and arrogant pilots. You are mute about a key issue of global ramifications. Assaulting diplomats can be cause for war.

    Remember the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand and WWI? Malaysia is a very friendly nation to SL. These Eelam buddies of Jehan Perera’s attacked our chief diplomat and the bugger on the Norwegian payroll is also mute.

    But then again we cannot expect better from this false prophet who predicted with certainty like Paikyasoththi that the LTTE cannot be defeated militarily. Perhaps he can take a business class flight to KL and investigate and use his bombastic prose as to why LTTE tamil thugs are in Malaysia and why they attacked the top diplomat of another country. Maybe they were just emotional and doing nagasalam and kavadi to celebrate the great humanist Velupillai and accidentally hit the HC?

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      “”Why isn’t there any news of the attack on the Sri Lankan High Commissioner by Tamil Terrorists ?Reconciliation?”
      perhaps, its an inside job like the paris killing.

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    Ranjan,
    Malaysian incidents related to MaRa & Co’s visit to Malaysia must be primaraly viewed as a Malaysian law & order issue.

    MaRa & Co must respect the Malaysian democratic laws and make these incidents for their propoganda to agitate the majority of the majority to capture SLFP from MS & also to recapture the governance from MS -RW .

    Hope the majority of the majority put country’s future before MaRa & Co’s self interests. MS – RW combined governance have short comings but MaRa & Co return will be a disaster.

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      @ Non PhD

      Amm He had nothing to do with MaRa. He is the Sri Lankan Ambassador, and has nothing to do with politics in his capacity. Just to highlight the duplicity of CMB Telegraph..

      If this kind of thing happend in SL during Mara Rule we would still be hearing about it from CMB Telegraph.. How bad law and order, Sinhalese extremist thugs etc etc etc…

      And if we don’t CMB will be howling about been Blocked or censored, as their logo says Truth in journalism.

      So maybe the LTTE lobby is censoring them on this story, ohh and the air port footage is also out of the incident .

      Just pointing out a simple fact about a torn rag.

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        “He is the Sri Lankan Ambassador,””

        He is the high commissioner and his accomplices should have known his rights and stood by- classic lanka goo bayee outside the island- Gass Gembo.

        “”If this kind of thing happend in SL during Mara Rule “”

        I dislike saints without sins. Prince Charles and Cameron had to ask for justice when 2 legged southern animals killed a british subject, molested his wife and cracked open her skull.

        “”And if we don’t CMB will be howling about been Blocked or censored, as their logo says Truth in journalism.””

        You are a gossip. CT has its own agenda and its fine with with neutrals.
        You don’t read other threads for news – the attack comment came on CT within the hour.Do not forget it is a free service. If you need real time news then you must pay for it- oliver twist.

        “So maybe the LTTE lobby is censoring them on this story, ohh and the air port footage is also out of the incident .””

        You are having wet dreams because you are afraid of war crimes investigation but nothing else.

        “”Just pointing out a simple fact about a torn rag. “

        Throw that borrowed ambude and join bin larden in the deep sea.

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      [Edited out]

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    When Tamils do Terrorism it is for a reason.

    when Tamils beat diplomats or beat a buddhist monk that is all propaganda.

    It is all Tamil Grievances.

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    Civil society is CIA financed by George Zorro.

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    Mr. Jehan Perera:

    CIVIL soceity is CIA projects – Do you know who funs civil soceity programs all over the world ?. Russia highly scrutinize them. Kenya banned them.

    The Department of International Affairs (DIA) of the Secretariat for External Relations (SER) is responsible for advising the Secretary General on all matters relating to civil society and developing and executing activities and strategies designed to promote and broaden the participation of civil society organizations (CSOs) in activities related to the OAS.

    DIA also directs and coordinates activities in this area with all the dependencies of the General Secretariat in their efforts to encourage civil society to take part in the Organization’s activities; provides secretariat services and technical support to the Committee on Inter-American Summits Management and Civil Society Participation in OAS Activities (CISC) of the Permanent Council in all matters related to civil society participation; and coordinates the Registry of CSOs in the OAS.

    Since 1999, the Organization of American States (OAS) has created spaces for the participation of civil society organizations (CSOs) in its activities. Resolution CP/RES. 759, “Guidelines for the Participation of Civil Society Organizations in OAS Activities,” institutionalizes and provides a framework for civil society participation in the political bodies of the OAS.

    Article 6 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter states that “it is the right and responsibility of all citizens to participate in decisions relating to their own development. This is also a necessary condition for the full and effective exercise of democracy. Promoting and fostering diverse forms of participation strengthens democracy.” Likewise, Article 26 explains that “the OAS will continue to carry out programs and activities designed to promote democratic principles and practices and strengthen a democratic culture in the Hemisphere, bearing in mind that democracy is a way of life based on liberty and enhancement of economic, social, and cultural conditions for the peoples of the Americas. The OAS will consult and cooperate on an ongoing basis with member states and take into account the contributions of civil society organizations working in those fields.”

    The presence of civil society participation since 1999, including local groups and broad networks of NGOs and social actors, has contributed to reaching the hemispheric goals of strengthening democracy, protecting human rights, and promoting integral development and multidimensional security as well as other initiatives under way in the OAS that are a part of the inter-American agenda.

    Mutual confidence and understanding has grown between CSOs and the OAS over the years, which are reflected in an increase in the number and level of involvement of CSOs in OAS initiatives, projects, and activities. To date, 465 CSOs have registered with the OAS and nearly 600 cooperation agreements have been established with civil society.

  • 3
    6

    Batalanada Ranil and FM Mangalan have certainly “done that” with the International LTTE Diaspora community..

    You can see it blow by blow in Adaderana Video .

    Is that Mangalan’s Diaspora Exhibition in Galle Face still on the cards?.

    How can burly Black Tigers come to an International Airport in this day and age, when even sugar daddies and old ladies have to take their shoes in the hand to get in there?.

    Five Tigers on one , a middle aged fat dude with a pot for that matter,is not a sign of the bravery which the Vellala Tamils used to boast about the heroics of their boys.

    Poor fellow absorbed the blows ok . I am surprised he didn’t die of a Cardiac Arrest,

  • 6
    1

    KASmaalam KA Sumanasekera

    “How can burly Black Tigers come to an International Airport in this day and age, when even sugar daddies and old ladies have to take their shoes in the hand to get in there?.”

    Aren’t they Gota’s boys who were recruited straight from Pottu Amman’s redundant department just after war was concluded? You may not know these secrets because you are too busy carrying MR’s b***s.

    Perverted old sugar daddies love to take their clothes off, why not their shoes?

    • 1
      4

      Dumb Native Veddo:

      Aren’t they Gota’s boys who were recruited straight from Pottu Amman’s redundant department just after war was concluded? You may not know these secrets because you are too busy carrying MR’s b***s.

      YOu mean Tamils are that greedy for money ?

      • 5
        2

        jim softy

        “YOu mean Tamils are that greedy for money ?”

        You mean Gota’s boys shared Gota’s loot from Vanni?

        • 1
          5

          Dear Native,

          Were you in Mahaththaya’s Faction, to rubbish the Veallala Hero Pirahaparan and his ace side kick Pottu Amman so much?..

          Does RAW pay for your bread?..

          • 2
            0

            Even if we have defeated LTTERS; today s problem has been MRmen.

            Latter is even more devious than the formers. See the manner MR turns his tongue always in favour of his selfish gains.

            Had Rajaapakshe been silent, today the situation would have been much favourable to achieve common goals for

          • 3
            0

            KASmaalam KA Sumanasekera

            “Does RAW pay for your bread?.”

            No point paying me. What would they get in return from a Native.

            Instead they have your top members of armed forces, ministers, bureaucrats, peons, ….. are in their books.

            Aren’t you a secret admirer of VP?

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    0

    When all the crooks join hands, of course, there will be consolidation in their relationship. The world knows about Ban-Ki moon, his capacity, capability and integrity. They are all in one camp hence no one could see or expect or have justice.

  • 0
    5

    It took five Tamils to attack the ambassador to Malaysia. (The Malaysians call all South Asians, Indians)

    http://www.ndtv.com/world-news/5-held-over-attack-on-sri-lanka-ambassador-in-malaysia-1454780

  • 0
    0

    In India Church based NGOs busy in conversions are openly supported by the US govt.

    [ Raising the pressure on the government on the issue of NGOs, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry voiced concerns over the treatment of American NGO Compassion International at the strategic and commercial dialogue held here this week, Indian and American officials present at the meeting confirmed to The Hindu.

    Mr. Kerry’s request is the highest level at which the NGO issue has ever been taken up bilaterally, though the government’s action against Christian and climate change NGOs has been a thorn in India-U.S. relations for over six years. Officials say they may reconsider their action after the request.

    According to very senior officials of the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) and the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA), Ms. Swaraj told Mr. Kerry at the meeting: “India expects all NGOs operating here to adhere to our rules and regulations.” ]

  • 0
    0

    If anyone acted on the beliefs and advice of this man the North and East would either have been handed over to the ltte or the country still fighting a war.

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