12 December, 2017

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In Memory Of Lasantha: Media And The Self-Preservation Policy Of Rajapaksa

By J. S. Tissainayagam –

J.S. Tissainayagam

Ladies and Gentlemen: good afternoon. I’m happy to be here with you and speak at this event. I would like to thank the organisers for putting together the Lasantha Wickrematunge Memorial Lecture.

I worked with Lasantha at the Sunday Leader between 1999 and 2002. It is tragic that media censorship and political oppression against which Lasantha struggled valiantly then, and for which he died in 2009, persist four years after his death.

Following the military campaign, there are fundamentally two ways whereby the present Sri Lanka government has imposed censorship. One is through legislation; the other by physically targeting journalists. I am not going into detail about these legal measures due to the paucity of time. There is of course the notorious Prevention of Terrorism Act. But more importantly, there were new regulations that came into effect after armed combat ended in May 2009. They mostly pertain to restricting the dissemination of news on the internet and via telecommunication networks.

I now come to the second form of control – terrorising journalists. There are a number of ways whereby this happens: disappearance, abduction, imprisonment threat and torture. Prageeth Ekneliayagoda, for whom this empty chair is dedicated, disappeared from the capital city of Colombo eight months after the military campaign had ended. Today the government’s only answer to his disappearance is to orchestrate a smear campaign against his wife and refuse to conduct a credible investigation into the incident.

The effect of these methods of terrorising the media has been twofold. Its impact on the media itself is forcing journalist to censor themselves. But its reach is much wider. It also closes the mind and our ability to critique and question the status quo.

The question is “why.” Why does the Government of Sri Lanka persist in imposing such tight restrictions on the media? Why does it want to endure such withering scorn about the moral turpitude of its leaders and the feebleness of its institutions by doing so?

There is more than one reason for this. But one of the most important causes of censorship is that the government doesn’t want reports of its conduct during the war to undermine post-war consolidation. Stories of war crimes and crimes against humanity of which the government stands accused must not be published. The LTTE too stands accused of these crimes.

The government fears that if censorship is lifted and restrictions such as the PTA are no longer in operation one of the first things the media will do is to go to where the story is: a story long suppressed through censorship. And that is the story of what actually happened in the final months of the war.

The government is deeply concerned these stories will infiltrate southern Sri Lanka and the moral ugliness of such savagery will be repugnant to many Sinhalese.  The fear is that an open discourse will persuade the vast majority of Sinhala people within the country to demand an impartial investigation into war crimes of the political leadership. Thereby the government will lose its support base.

Days after the fighting ended President Mahinda Rajapakse speaking on national television said (and I quote), “Some tried to stop our military campaign by threatening to haul us before war crimes tribunals. The strength I have is your support. I am even ready to go to the gallows on your behalf.”

Rajapakse has lost almost all support among the Tamils – four successive elections prove that. The support he speaks about is the Sinhala base. And if that base feels repulsed by his actions, where can he, his family and senior members of his administration find refuge?

It is to clutch onto the legitimacy it enjoys, that the Rajapakse government has embraced its present media policy of preventing stories about Mullivaikal and militarisation in post-war North, to trickle into the South. That policy, pivots on ghettoising the North – and to a point – the East. The ghettoising has three aspects to it.

The first is militarisation. Militarisation ensures through surveillance and coercion that information about what happened then, and is happening now, does not leak out. The most recent manifestation of this was when the Tamil survivors of armed combat, among others, met with UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillai to relate their woes. They were later subjected to harassment by government authorities.

The second aspect of ghettoising is by restricting journalists from outside having free access to the North. Now the general perception is that things are better today for journalists to go to the northern Sri Lanka, but that is not strictly correct. Even today, foreign journalists need defence ministry clearance to obtain a work visa before entering the country. Also, people interviewed in the North by journalists are subjected to harassment by local military authorities.

Local journalists can travel to the North without permission. But that does not exclude them from being shadowed and harassed by the military if the government does not want the coverage taking place. In this regard, I would like to quote an excerpt written by Ruki in Groundviews with regards to accompanying a group of television journalists to the Wanni. I quote, “It seems clear the government doesn’t want the people in other parts of Sri Lanka and the outside world to know the bitter truth of land occupation by the military…” End quote.

The third element used by the government to ghettoise the Tamils is propaganda. Its objective is to show up the Tamils – especially those living in the North and East – as the enemies of the Sinhalese, the ‘other,’ which has to be pacified and controlled. This policy is being implemented very cunningly by the Rajapakse regime. The government does not call Tamils enemies of the Sinhalese, directly. Instead, the president and his government express platitudes such as there are no minorities living in Sri Lanka and that all communities live in harmony.

But we know this so-called harmony is under a shamelessly Sinhala hegemonic State. The moment Tamils try to challenge that domination by agitating for equal rights, the kneejerk reaction is to label the Tamils as the terrorists and thereby the ‘other.’

I would like to cite an example to illustrate this. On November 27 last year, when Jaffna University students commemorated of those who died in the war, four students were arrested, not by the regular police but by the Terrorism Investigation Division. They were arrested under the PTA. They were never charged but sent to ‘rehabilitation’ that is purportedly reserved for LTTE cadre. We know the numerous protests that took place throughout 2012 where university students and teachers clashed with the police in the South. But never were they detained under PTA, nor were they sent for rehabilitation. The ‘other’ could be no clearer.

Therefore, the regime’s policy is very clear. If the government and its leaders are to preserve their primary support base from eroding they cannot be perceived as war criminals by the Sinhala masses. But for that to happen, the Tamil narrative of Mullivaiykal and military-run North today cannot be told truthfully. Instead, the Sinhala ruling establishment has to push its Sinhala hegemony project by representing the Tamils as the ‘enemy’ and not as victims of government policy and military brutality.

But one might ask if the primary aim of the government is to control stories of war crimes from the North, why is the media in the South of Sri Lanka subject to privations? The reason is that while the North is important because it is the repository of the Tamils’ narratives of oppression, the South too is important. If war crimes-related issues are to be effectively concealed, censorship has to be blanket. Secondly, repression of the people in one part of the country, inevitably begets repression in other areas too. And therefore the Rajapakse government is careful to contain incriminating stories from the South as well.

To conclude: media censorship is part of a much bigger strategy. It is mainly, to ward off accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity against the Rajapakse family and the government, from becoming part of public discussion among the Sinhalese. In order to engineer this favourable image the government is prepared to censor the media and terrorise journalists.

The self-preservation policy of President Rajapakse and his government obviously runs contrary, to his rhetoric of Reconciliation. If you want the Sinhalese and Tamils to reconcile, there has to be first and foremost, a frank dialogue between the two groups. But if, official strategy is to prevent that, by ghettoising the North and censoring media throughout the country, reconciliation will only remain in words, not deeds.

Thank you!

JS Tissainayagam’s presentation to the Sri Lankans Without Borders (SLWB) event on the Lasantha Wickrematunge Memorial Lecture.

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Latest comments

  • 0
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    Mandana Ismail Abeywickrema is the latest journalist-victim to be terrorised such that she too fled abroad.
    The regime has a pliant judiciary,a police force which investigates crimes forever and an attorney general who takes months & years to indict any politician of the regime,even with adequate proof of guilt.
    We have a brutal dictatership ‘cloaked’ as democracy.
    An entire village – Mathagal – was prevented from voting in the just concluded NPC election by threat of dire consequences if they did,by the army.
    This does not happen anywhere else in the world.

  • 0
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    Well written. All actions are recorded in history visible or invisible. All actions have consequence as well. There is no escape. I feel sorry when those committed these heinous acts when they have to face the consequence in this life or their descendants it is certainly be very painful.

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      “All actions are recorded in history visible or invisible.”

      What HISTORY is decided by who recorded it. For me, this particular history is a different story.

      “All actions have consequence as well. There is no escape.”

      This is a BUDDHIST STATEMENT. You are talking about KARMA.

      “I feel sorry when those committed these heinous acts when they have to face the consequence in this life or their descendants it is certainly be very painful.”

      That is Christianity. REVENGE.

      • 0
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        Jim Pissa:
        Now you are an expert on comparative religion, it seems. Did the Jarapassas find you a religious instruction tutor as well?

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    ‘Following the military campaign, there are fundamentally two ways whereby the present Sri Lanka government has imposed censorship. One is through legislation; the other by physically targeting journalists.’

    Also a third method of unofficialy blocking web sites. Sri Lanka is becoming a Global Ghetto where people think this is the ‘asiyawe ascharya’.

    ‘unta five star hotel walata gihilla niliyo ekka budiyanna hondai…
    ane mehema ratak…… ‘

    ‘ekathama machan asiyawe ashcharya kiyanne,ehema ashcharyamath rataka pare inna one ne, 5 star hotel walata gihilla wade karaganda dan rate adayama nagalalune tiyenne’

  • 0
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    Tiss – Well said.

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    An excellent analysis. So well expressed in a nutshell. One aspect of the censorship that was missed is the cover up of the ongoing corruption. In fact the last journalist Mandana and the previous one Fredrica had to face the death threats not because of the war crimes exposure but the possible revelation of large scale frauds by the ruling family.

  • 0
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    Well articulated speech. Great story.

    Tissa, i know you too faced the same deli-mar when you were in Sri Lanka, you were framed, you were harassed, and you were ridiculed at a moment of time where most of the hard-line Sinhalese people were blanked by a strong creative media campaign carried out by the state mostly the Rajapakse.

    However there was a turning point where you were let to go, virtually kicked out of the country, what needs to be highlighted is how did the judiciary address your rights, did you have the right to speak and to a fair trial.

    I do not think so. You would have to enter into some understanding with the Rajapakse, forced with a blackmail, and a call then would have been made by the Rajapakse to Judiciary on the release.

    Similar to that of the Doctors who served during the war. This is the style of the Rajapakse, not at all different from the way they get MP’s to cross over.

    I hope one day you would be able to come out and let the whole world know the truth pertaining to your release for the betterment of your country and its people. In fact for the betterment of the world.

    Journalism is about exposing the truth and speaking boldly, which you bravely have done all these years. I am sure you would expose the truth at the right time. You are a hero to many journalist around the world.

    Lasantha was good man, and great friend who too have helped me in many ways. Sri Lanka has lost many great men like you and Lasantha.

  • 0
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    Tissa,

    Mate, your Pro LTTE stance and the silent support draged you to this problem. Sri lanka is for Sinhalies, Tamils, Muslims, but remember not for LTTE or LTTE goons. We will fight another 1000 years but we will never let down our forces.

    • 0
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      Sam,

      You asylum seeker in Australia. Where have you been all these days. Were you in Immigration Detention and recently released on Temporary admission.
      For your information
      1) Sinhala Lanka is for Sinhalese.
      2) Eelam is for Tamils

      The Tamil Nation has spoken and 86% has identified itself with the LTTE and the 14% was rigged by MR to save face. Even the monitors have confirmed this.
      As for your fighting spirit who are you going to fight for 1000 years and I presume amongst yourself as we are parting company and there is bugger all you can do.

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    Tissa,

    You are wasting your time mate trying to reason with a non existent audience. MR is a born Thugs and he struck it lucky when he was elected to fight LTTE and the Sinhalese masses are totally behind him.
    The very few decent Sinhalese cannot stand the Mahintha onslaught so there is not going to be any Western Style Freedom of Expression. If proof is needed and for your information Sinhala Lanka holds the record for the number of Journalists who have fled fearing for their lives.

    I take issue with some of your observations:

    1) The two forms of control:

    a)Prevention of Terrorism act has now been replaced by State Terrorism and there is no Self Regulation here and Might is Right.

    b) Terrorising Journalist one and the same.

    2) The effect of these methods of terrorising the media has been twofold.
    a) Its impact on the media itself is forcing journalist to censor themselves.

    I agree with the above.
    b) But its reach is much wider. It also closes the mind and our ability to critique and question the status quo.

    I disagree with the above as Sinhala Lanka is either in tune with the Rulers or impervious to any criticism of the Rulers.

    3)The third element used by the government to ghettoise the Tamils is propaganda. Its objective is to show up the Tamils – especially those living in the North and East – as the enemies of the Sinhalese, the ‘other,’ which has to be pacified and controlled. This policy is being implemented very cunningly by the Rajapakse regime. The government does not call Tamils enemies of the Sinhalese, directly. Instead, the president and his government express platitudes such as there are no minorities living in Sri Lanka and that all communities live in harmony.

    I think you are confused as the above doesn’t make any sense. Just consider what you are trying to get across :

    Objective is to show up the Tamils as enemies but then you go on to say that the president and his government express platitudes such as there are no minorities living in Sri Lanka and that all communities live in harmony.

    If the minorities are non existent how can the non existent beings be enemies.
    I don’t think MR is up to any of the above which is mild in nature but in my view up to the Elections he was up to something which was much more serious and that was Ethnic Cleansing but he has been stopped in his tracks.
    The other point is that every Sinhalese Knows the existence of the Tamils to the North like Thuttu Gemunu said in his famous words: Tamil to the North and Sea to the South and as a result he was crouched was his reply to his father.

    4) Therefore, the regime’s policy is very clear. If the government and its leaders are to preserve their primary support base from eroding they cannot be perceived as war criminals by the Sinhala masses. But for that to happen, the Tamil narrative of Mullivaiykal and military-run North today cannot be told truthfully. Instead, the Sinhala ruling establishment has to push its Sinhala hegemony project by representing the Tamils as the ‘enemy’ and not as victims of government policy and military brutality.

    The above is a matter for the International Community so I don’t think MR is worried about the Sinhala Electorate showing him up to the World in respect of War Crimes.
    The attempt by MR to pre-empt being jetted off to the Hague for war Crimes is done at two levels.
    a) Bribing Politicians of the Country which can make it possible which is India to shield them from being implicated. And here for India there is a self interest as they were partners in Crime.
    b) Using people like Prof Rajiva to misinform at international level.

    5) To conclude: media censorship is part of a much bigger strategy. It is mainly, to ward off accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity against the Rajapakse family and the government, from becoming part of public discussion among the Sinhalese. In order to engineer this favourable image the government is prepared to censor the media and terrorise journalists.

    I am not sure if I agree with the above as in my view you are giving too much credit to Free Media when it comes to actions taken against the LTTE. Sadly when it comes to the issue of winning the War Against the LTTE the entire Sinhala Nation speaks with one voice and the killing of innocent civilians was a price worth paying. So therefore the Genocidal Leaders will not be tried inside Sinhala Lanka either by the Media or the People.

  • 0
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    tissanayagam is [Edited out]

  • 0
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    Really well written and the truth. My impression is exactly as you say many people in the south do not realise the full extent of the governments brutal war crimes to thousands in the north. If they knew the reality it is very likely they would loose their support and without that they would have nothing. Everyone in Sri Lanka deserves to know the truth, the channel 4 exposure programme should be shown to all, what would they think then about their precious president and the hero army?? Looking forward to March and a full UN investigation. The world is waking up to what they did and they must pay.

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