By Asoka S. Seneviratne –

With the vision of “A Thriving Nation. A Beautiful Life,” President Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD), speaking at the 80th Session of the UN General Assembly, declared that “fighting corruption is dangerous, but not fighting corruption is even more dangerous.” This statement captures Sri Lanka’s most significant challenge. Corruption in the country is not an isolated act but a system that has spread like an octopus. Its tentacles have suffocated government, business, and society alike, hindering economic growth and development across successive regimes since independence in 1948.

As literature shows, a large octopus needs a big body of water; similarly, corruption grows where power is too centralized. This concentration enables monopolies, allows for abuse, and can even influence institutions like the judiciary, where corrupt practices sometimes sneak in. The result isn’t just stealing resources but also weakening checks and balances.

Equally concerning is the decay of institutions. When corruption dominates, institutions become weak and ineffective. Instead of protecting citizens and upholding the rule of law, they become dysfunctional, unable to deliver basic services. In such environments, governance collapses into patronage networks, and justice becomes selective.

Within this context, President Dissanayake’s warning strongly resonates. Fighting corruption involves risks, but the greater danger lies in not fighting it at all. Doing nothing allows corruption to become embedded in the culture, impeding development, eroding trust, and undermining democracy and other social & ethical values. In today’s political and social climate, where the opposition criticizes the government for its efforts to eradicate corruption, ignoring it would be the most hazardous course of action. Therefore, this paper focuses on analyzing two critical points in detail.

Fighting Corruption is dangerous due to four reasons.

Cannot find the depth of corruption

Corruption in Sri Lanka is a complex issue to define. It has become a nationwide epidemic, infiltrating every aspect of life—political, economic, and social. Recent findings reveal a truth that many citizens already sense: there is no clear line between where corruption begins and where it ends, as its influence is widespread. Trying to define its scope is like trying to track the limbs of an octopus that extends endlessly in all directions. Every institution it touches—government offices, private businesses, community groups—becomes entangled, weakening the entire system and eroding trust.

The origins of this corruption are hard to pinpoint. They stem not from a single event or policy failure, but from decades of tolerance, silence, and complicity. It has grown into a culture where abusing power is normal and accountability is rare. From everyday bribery in public service to major financial scandals, corruption has become so deeply embedded that it influences behavior, skews decisions, and erodes core values. What makes this situation even more troubling is the lack of a safe space: there is hardly a corner of national life—whether politics, business, education, or law enforcement—that can truly claim to be untouched.

In short, corruption in Sri Lanka is not just a problem caused by dishonest individuals; it’s a deep-rooted systemic issue. It has become the essential fuel for many processes, and eliminating it requires more than just punishing a few people. It calls for a fundamental overhaul of governance and society itself.

Institutional Decay

The greatest danger of entrenched corruption isn’t just the loss of money or resources, but the slow and systematic decay of institutions. When corruption becomes routine—accepted as the cost of getting things done—institutions meant to serve the public are hollowed out from within. Their legal mandates stay on paper, but in reality, their functions are paralyzed, their credibility shattered, and their purpose turned upside down. Instead of protecting the citizen, they prey on them.

This crisis of institutional decay is clearly reflected in the findings of the latest corruption and bribery perception survey, released by the Chair of CIABOC, himself a former judge. The survey confirms what the public already knows: Sri Lanka’s most vulnerable institutions are those most vital to justice, governance, and national revenue. At the very top of this list stand the police, an institution meant to enforce the law but one now synonymous with selective justice, bribery, and intimidation. Rather than a pillar of security, it has in many cases become a mechanism of fear and exploitation. Regarding the police, it reminds me of the saying that “If rats have eaten the iron sack, there is no need to look into the rice sack.”. In short, a lot of work to the Minister and Inspector General of Police (IGP).   

Following closely are politicians and their institutions. Public confidence in political leaders is at its lowest point, with corruption no longer seen as an exception but as a core aspect of governance. The infamous label “Mr. 10%,” once associated with Basil Rajapaksa, has become a symbol of how widespread corruption is at the highest levels. This single image has made Sri Lanka infamous abroad, while domestically it has discredited the SLPP and diminished trust in the political process itself. There is an array of similar infamous individuals with SLPP.

Sri Lanka’s Customs Department, ranked third in the survey, demonstrates how institutional decay undermines the core of the nation’s revenue system. Customs, instead of protecting trade and finances, is widely seen as a place for under-invoicing, illegal transactions, and biased enforcement. The same survey also highlights that the Department of Immigration and Emigration, Inland Revenue, provincial revenue offices, the Excise Department, and the Department of Motor Traffic are all affected by corruption. These agencies are vital to governance, taxation, and public service. However, in the public’s view, they have lost trust. They are seen more as facilitators of personal gain than as protectors of the public interest—which is a significant challenge for the ministers of these institutions.

Institutional decay of this scale is more than just administrative failure; it represents a breakdown of national integrity. When corruption becomes ingrained at the institutional level, accountability vanishes, efficiency drops, and citizens lose both trust and protection. In such a setting, reform becomes significantly harder because the very institutions responsible for maintaining integrity are themselves compromised. This is Sri Lanka’s tragedy: institutions meant to protect the people have instead become the weakest link in the country’s governance.

Power as the Anchor of Corruption

At the core of Sri Lanka’s corruption problem is the issue of power. Power, in its simplest form—the ability to influence or direct others’ actions, benefits, or behavior—has become the foundation of corruption. Corruption is not just about illegal deals; it involves the concentration of power in the hands of a few who then misuse that power for personal gain. Whenever power is concentrated without accountability, corruption flourishes.

Sri Lanka’s political history provides clear evidence. Whether under the UNP, SLFP, or, more recently, the SLPP, those who reach positions of power rarely use their authority to serve the public. Instead, power has been viewed as a license to accumulate wealth, acquire privileges, and safeguard family interests. Mansions, business empires, and large property holdings have grown alongside political careers, not as rewards for public service, but as direct results of corruption. This pattern is neither new nor accidental—it has endured for decades, across various governments and generations.

The tragedy is that those elected with promises of protecting the nation and improving citizens’ lives instead diverted government resources and public trust for personal gain. The outcome is not only financial theft but also the betrayal of democratic ideals. Citizens are left with weakened institutions and declining living standards, while political families accumulate wealth that endures long after their own lives.

Corruption, therefore, is not just a symptom of bad governance; it is the direct consequence of unchecked and concentrated power. Unless power is dispersed, transparent, and held accountable, corruption will remain the inevitable outcome—regardless of which party holds office. In Sri Lanka, power has consistently served the rulers rather than the ruled, and this cycle of abuse continues to define the nation’s political landscape.

Laws and Education: Distinct but Complementary Strategies in Combating Corruption

In the fight against corruption, both laws and education play irreplaceable roles—but their functions are fundamentally different.

* Laws act as the shield of society. They define what corruption is, set boundaries of acceptable conduct, and impose punishments on those who cross the line. Laws instill a fear of consequences, regardless of an individual’s social status or power. When properly enforced, laws make corruption risky, costly, and unattractive. They protect citizens by ensuring accountability from the top down, through courts, regulators, and watchdog institutions.

* Education, on the other hand, builds from the ground up. It shapes attitudes, values, and behavior. Education helps citizens recognize corruption, understand its harm, and choose not to participate. While laws deter through punishment, education prevents by promoting integrity and civic responsibility. A society that understands the damaging effects of bribery is less likely to offer bribes, more tolerant of honest leaders, and more active in demanding clean governance.

Thus, the line between them is clear:

* Laws punish the act of corruption after it occurs.

* Education prevents corruption by addressing the mindset before it begins.

One without the other is incomplete. Strong laws without education may instill fear, but they won’t create lasting change; often, they allow corruption to resurface in new forms. Education without laws risks being overly idealistic, with citizens aware of corruption but unable to effectively address it. When combined, they form a system where corruption is both risky to commit and socially unacceptable to tolerate. The main challenge is how to make all the above a reality in Sri Lanka.

The Cost of Not Fighting Corruption

* Not fighting corruption is far riskier than confronting it.

* If left unchecked, corruption hampers economic growth and hinders development.

* Investment dries up where bribery and favoritism replace fair competition.

* Public trust erodes, creating cynicism and weakening institutions.

* National wealth is transferred into private hands, increasing inequality.

* Silence on corruption condemns a country to perpetual underdevelopment.

* A few in the opposition become imminent & decisive, and would desperately seek to topple the government.

* Ultimately, all of the above will influence the mandate assigned to the government. This means that not fighting corruption is even more dangerous and risky.

Summary

Corruption in Sri Lanka is not just a series of isolated incidents; it is a deeply rooted system that has spread like an octopus, choking government, business, and society alike. Its tentacles have hampered economic growth, eroded public trust, and weakened institutions over decades of governance. Concentrated power drives corruption, enabling those in authority to amass wealth and privileges for themselves while institutions meant to protect citizens collapse under systemic decay. The police, Customs, and revenue departments are among the most affected, reflecting a broader failure in governance and accountability.

Laws and education are critical in the fight against corruption: laws punish offenders, while education prevents misconduct by shaping integrity and civic responsibility. One without the other cannot break the cycle; together, they create a system where corruption is both risky to commit and socially unacceptable.

The cost of inaction is high. Unchecked corruption hinders development, exacerbates inequality, and undermines the very foundations of democracy. As President AKD warns, ignoring corruption is far riskier than confronting it. Fighting corruption may be challenging, but inaction guarantees national decline.

Conclusion

Corruption is a systemic threat that poses a significant danger to the nation. Immediate, decisive action combining legal enforcement, education, and institutional reform is essential to protect Sri Lanka’s future. Inaction is the most significant risk of all.

*The writer, among many, served as the Special Advisor to the President of Namibia from 2006 to 2012 and was a Senior Consultant with the UNDP for 20 years. He was a Senior Economist with the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (1972-1993), asoka.seneviratne@gmail.com