28 September, 2020

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Support A Common Candidate To Re-Establish Democracy: AAGGSL

The Australian Advocacy for Good Governance in Sri Lanka (AAGGSL) has called upon Sri Lankans to advocate the selection of a common opposition candidate to contest at the upcoming Presidential polls in order to pave way for the re-establishment of democracy and rule of law in the country.

RCSSSS RanilAAGGSL Convenors Wimal Jayakody, Shyamon Jayasinghe, Sarath Jayasuriya, Saliya Galappaththi, Ranjith Weerasinghe, Lionel Bopage, Ari Pitipana, Anura Manchanayaake and Ajith Rajapaksa releasing a joint statement have noted the sharply deteriorating state of democracy and accountability in the country that is being replaced by rampant politicization, corruption and militarization of civil adminsitration and have held the executive presidential system as the root cause behind these issues.

They have pointed out that the increasingly autocratic nature of the executive presidential system that seeks to control all aspects of socio-economic and political life of Sri Lankan citizens needs to be changed and in order to do so, a fresh road map should be introduced that includes supporting a common candidate backed by a common opposition.

Following is the full statement of the AAGGSL:

Australian Advocacy for Good Governance in Sri Lanka

Australian Advocacy for Good Governance in Sri Lanka (AAGGSL) is a non-profit organisation with members of diverse backgrounds aimed at creating awareness of the lack of democracy, accountability and good governance in Sri Lanka, in particular due to the executive presidential system. It is committed to positively subscribe to the establishment of practicing democracy and rule of law in Sri Lanka respecting the rights and will of all its peoples.

Background

The democratic space for political interaction in Sri Lanka has been diminishing over time. Politicisation and militarisation of civil administration, over-centralisation of decision making, and practice of graft and corruption have been on the rise. Repression of independent journalists and civil society activists is ongoing. Lack of democratic principles and rule of law, and disrespect for human rights, political rights and religious rights have become quite evident.

A major factor contributing to this continuing deterioration has been the executive presidential system that has led to an increasingly autocratic rule that controls all aspects of socio-economic and political life of the people in Sri Lanka. The Executive President, while in power, is not answerable to the judiciary, and enjoys detrimental influence over the Supreme Court making it somewhat a biased third chamber of government. A great majority of our multi-ethnic, multi-religious polity would welcome substantial constitutional reforms to change course for the better.

The next presidential election is likely to be held early next year, and the campaign work has already begun. Prohibition of foreigners from visiting the North without specific permission from the military; emphasis given to an imaginary war threat; propping up the need to vest power in the current leadership supposedly to preserve Sri Lanka’s unity; making significant personnel changes in the security apparatus; pledging to increase salaries and reduce cost of living pressures; provision of cash, land, jewellery and other graft, incentives and concessions to constituents – all these are forerunners to influence the outcome of an election – presidential or parliamentary, or a referendum to extend the current parliamentary term.

In the elections held since 2009, the executive presidency and the government of Sri Lanka had relied mainly on the military victory over the LTTE and the subsequent economic infrastructure developments for re-election. Similarly, this time again, recreation of euphoria over the war victory five years ago has begun with lot of fanfare, and a fear psychosis has been induced. With majority of the mainstream media under the government’s thumb, only the government’s political campaign can reach the entire country. Nevertheless, the issues relating to democracy, independence of judiciary and good governance appear to have gained prominence in the current political discourse. Such issues, however, are yet to be widely debated in public, as fear psychosis among the people is deep-rooted.

What can we do?

In light of this situation, AAGGSL believes that positively subscribing to the re-establishment of democratic practices and the rule of law is vital. Our road map to achieving good governance in Sri Lanka, inter-alia, includes the following objectives:

  1. Promote conditions conducive for a free and fair election
  2. Advocate selection of a common opposition candidate for the impending presidential election backed by a common opposition
  3. Support the common opposition candidate determined by Sri Lanka’s like-minded politicians, who would pledge to implement an agreed ‘common minimum program’ for consensus politics in our multi-ethnic, multi-religious society
  4. Work with the citizenry of Sri Lanka to help build a strong peoples’ movement to pressure the elected president and any future elected government to implement the ‘common minimum program’ including:

a. Abolition of the executive presidential system

b. Restoration of practicing parliamentary democracy, with the head of state answerable to the judiciary

c. Constitutional reforms with checks and balances  to protect human rights, political rights and religious rights of all peoples

d. Attainment of a negotiated political settlement with the elected representatives of the North and East to the Tamil national question of power-sharing within an agreed time frame

e. Discontinuation of militarisation and politicisation of civil administration and the unprecedented land grabbing of the displaced without due process or compensation

f. Provision of tangible economic relief to low income earning people

g. Establishment of independent constitutional entities to maintain the rule of law, accountability and transparency, and

h. Enforce measures to effectively curtail bribery and corruption. 

Sri Lanka deserves inclusive-good governance, responsive to the will of its peoples. We believe we can make a meaningful contribution to this end.

Our Ethics

Our attempt is to underline the significance of democracy and good governance for Sri Lanka and to raise awareness on the relevant principles. Such principles associate with almost every field of life, social, political, economic, cultural and business alike.

What do we mean by good governance?

The fundamental indicator of good governance is free and fair elections with guarantees of freedom of expression, including the right to be critical of the Executive and the government. When people are bribed, coerced and manipulated in an unprecedented manner, how can one count such a vote as free, fair and voluntary expression of their will? To keep a government’s integrity, not only adequate laws against graft and corruption are necessary, but impartial implementation of such laws is essential, as rights can only be enjoyed when there is a realistic means of investigation and enforcement.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) succinctly sets out the fundamental rights and freedoms that all human beings, regardless of race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, ethnicity and national background are entitled to enjoy. These rights are not just a construct based on Western ideals. They have deep roots in the traditions of all peoples. Human rights only have meaning when they can be enjoyed in a practical sense. Simply by reason of being human, every human being is entitled to universal human rights codified by the UN legal framework covering civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights.

Democracy and good governance refer to the protection of civil and political rights and economic and cultural rights, such as the rights of minority communities. Democracy becomes hollow without the protection of civil and political rights, and governance becomes bad without the rule of law and respect for human rights.

Good governance is defined as ‘the transparent and accountable management of a country’s resources for its equitable and sustainable economic and social development’. Essential ingredients of good governance consist of democratization, rule of law and respect for human rights. Good governance aims at achieving justice, and needs to be nurtured for ensuring respect for human rights. Assurances of protection of human rights will remain hollow, without the rule of law, independent courts and other social institutions that are essential components of good governance. Good governance is democratic governance, that values:

  • Human Rights – respecting human rights and fundamental freedoms of people
  • Civil Liberties – allowing people to live with dignity, freedom and justice
  • Egalitarianism – a society free of discrimination based on race, ethnicity, class, gender, religion or any other attribute
  • Inclusiveness – people having a say in decisions that affect their lives
  • Accountability – people can hold the decision-makers accountable
  • Fairness – social inclusion and fair rules, institutions and practices governing social interactions
  • Gender Equality – women are equal partners with men in private and public spheres of life
  • Farsightedness – forward-looking policies to reflect the needs of future generations, and
  • Socio-economic policy development – responsive to people’s needs and aimed at eradicating poverty and improving the socio-economic status of the disadvantaged.

Recognition of the inherent dignity and of equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace. History teaches that transparent, responsible, accountable and participatory governance is a prerequisite for lasting wellbeing of a nation. Only Good Governance will bring enduring peace and prosperity.

Convenors: Wimal Jayakody, Shyamon Jayasinghe, Sarath Jayasuriya, Saliya Galappaththi, Ranjith Weerasinghe, Lionel Bopage, Ari Pitipana, Anura Manchanayake, Ajith Rajapakse

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Latest comments

  • 5
    23

    Make Mahinda the Common Candidate!

    Trying to field a common opposition candidate to defeat Mahinda is not going to work this time for he has defeated tigers and brought normalcy to the North and East during his present term. Erosion of democracy, rising cost of living, corroption etc are common things whoever rules.

    Recently a Pakistan court forced prime minister’s daughter to resign a chairperson post as she did not have the experience to hold such an office. This is never going to happen in Sri Lanka because the top judges have to satisfy the rulers to earn their breads. The problem comes from the executive presidency, something no one wants to shed once gained. Even CBK did not shed it. It’s unfair to demand it from Mahinda.

    So let him have an easy win this time. When the people forget about war and tigers, he will be thrown out in another election. We do not want to see him losing power like more powerful people like Sadam and Gadhafi.

    Since abusing of power will be done by everybody, whether it is Ranil, CBK or Sajith or Karu, their victory is not going to make any change. GR and Basil were nobody about ten years before. If Mahinda is replaced, some new jokers will emerge from the winner’s camp to threat and steal.

    Good governance is not granted, should be earned. Help to empower the people to fight bad governance through the existing law and order. (If someone asks me whether there is any law and order in the country, I am unable to answer!).

    • 21
      1

      Selvarajah change you name to Selvaslave!
      You have become a slave to the ruler who massacred over 40,000 civilians, turned a blind eye to war crimes, executed a national editor, destroyed independent judiciary and good governance. None of our ex presidents ever descended to this level. I fully support the call of AAGGSL. All opposition political parties including the TNA should support the opposition common candidate wholeheartedly. And it’s not too late for you to become Selvarajah again…!!!

      • 5
        1

        Whether Mahinda wins or a “common candidate” wins things are not going to change for the better:

        Don’t forget the politicized security forces, police and the judiciary, the BBS and the Mahanayakes who are not going to allow good governance or justice let alone the minority communities.

        More muddling under democracy will be the result, if at all it can avoid violence in large scale.

        Democracy is still not viable in Sri Lanka imho.

        • 5
          0

          Thiru

          Tamil’s early history according to Commonwealth is as follows:

          “Tamil settlements began in the 10th century AD, and gave rise to a Tamil kingdom in Jaffna. There was a long struggle between Sinhalese and Tamil kings for the control of the north of the island.”

          Are you sure your people have lived in this island for 3000 years? It is up to you to convince the Commonwealth secretariat and us with your evidence.

          Here is the rest of the history of Sri Lanka according to Commonwealth website:

          Commonwealth Secretariat

          Sri Lanka : History

          History

          Sri Lanka appears to have been inhabited from as early as 125,000 BC. Balangoda Man was the ancestor of the present-day Veddhas, a racial minority now inhabiting remote forests. The Great Dynasty (Mahavamsa) of the Sinhalese was established in 543 BC by King Vijaya, who came with his followers (the Sinhala, or ‘Lion Race’) from Bengal and settled in the north. Traces of the vast irrigation system they established still exist. About 300 years later, a royal prince from India named Mahinda, son of Asoka, introduced Buddhism. Tamil settlements began in the 10th century AD, and gave rise to a Tamil kingdom in Jaffna. There was a long struggle between Sinhalese and Tamil kings for the control of the north of the island.

          By the end of the 13th century, the Sinhalese were forced to migrate to the south. Malaria set in when the irrigation and drainage systems were destroyed by continuing warfare. The Sinhalese population split into two separate kingdoms at the end of the 15th century, the up-country kingdom of Kandy and the lowcountry kingdom of Kotte.

          In the 16th century the Kotte Kingdom sought protection from new arrivals, the Portuguese; and in 1597 Dharmapala, last of the Kotte kings, bequeathed his throne to the King of Portugal. The Portuguese soon subdued the north and so acquired most of the coastal belt of the country, leaving the central region to the Kingdom of Kandy. From the mid-1630s, the King of Kandy helped the Dutch to dispossess the Portuguese; by 1656 the whole island had become a Dutch possession except for the Kingdom of Kandy. Later the Dutch also seized Kandy’s coastal areas, cutting the Kandyans off from the outside world. British interests developed in the late 18th century when a British army invaded and forced the Dutch to accept its protection. In 1802 the Dutch colony became a British possession.

          The Kingdom of Kandy was invaded in 1815 and its monarchy was abolished. Thus the whole island came under British rule.
          Plantations growing rubber, coconut and coffee were established in the 19th century. After the coffee plantations were destroyed by a fungus in the 1870s, planters successfully switched to tea. The country soon became the second largest producer (after India) of black tea. During this period, Indian Tamils were brought into the country as indentured labour for the tea estates.

          Constitutional development of Ceylon (as the country was then called) began relatively early, with executive and legislative councils set up in 1833, and the first opening up of the colonial civil service to Ceylonese. Full self-government was achieved in 1946, under a new constitution, with a bicameral legislature (which became a single chamber in 1972), and Ceylon became fully independent and joined the Commonwealth in 1948.

          The first prime minister of independent Ceylon was one of the leaders of the independence movement, D S Senanayake. He was the head of the United National Party (UNP, the former Ceylon National Congress supported by the Tamil Congress). After a split in the UNP in 1951, S W R D Bandaranaike formed the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). In 1956 the SLFP won a decisive electoral victory. The new government, nationalist and non-aligned, immediately began talks with the UK which ended in the return to Ceylon of the Katunayake airfield and the Trincomalee naval base.

          In September 1959, Bandaranaike was assassinated. After elections the following year, his widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, led the SLFP to victory and became the first woman prime minister in the world.
          In March 1965, the UNP was voted back to power with Dudley Senanayake (son of Sri Lanka’s first prime minister) as prime minister until 1970, when the elections returned the SLFP.
          Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s new government introduced a new constitution in 1972. Following the lead of India, Ceylon became a republic while remaining within the Commonwealth. Under the new constitution, the republic had a unicameral parliament, the National State Assembly, and a non-executive president. The first president was William Gopallawa, formerly governor-general, and Mrs Bandaranaike remained prime minister.

          Throughout this period, Ceylon’s government developed programmes of welfare and nationalisation. These led to marked improvements in health and literacy, but the economy began to decline. In 1971, there was a serious internal crisis with an uprising of Sinhalese youth, led by the Marxist Janatha Vimukti Peramuna (JVP), in protest about widespread unemployment. In 1972 the country’s name was changed to Sri Lanka. In 1977 the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE or Tamil Tigers) was formed as the Sinhalese and Tamil communities polarised, and the civil war had begun by the early 1980s (see ‘Communal conflict’).

          The government lost popularity and, at the general election in 1977, the UNP under J R Jayewardene won a sweeping victory. The UNP government encouraged the private sector, and (under a new constitution in 1978) opted for a presidential form of government with proportional representation and renamed the country the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. The first presidential election, held in 1982, was won by Jayewardene. In December 1982, the life of the 1977 Parliament was extended, by a national referendum, for six more years.

          In 1988 UNP’s Ranasinghe Premadasa was elected to the presidency and in 1993 was killed by an LTTE suicide bomber. In 1994 UNP presidential candidate and opposition leader Gamini Dissanayake was killed, with more than 50 others, by a suicide bomber. After President Premadasa’s assassination in 1993, D B Wijetunga took over as president and remained in office for about a year until the general election in August 1994. The People’s Alliance coalition, led by the SLFP, and consisting of seven mostly left-of-centre parties, came to power in the August 1994 general election. The leader of this coalition, Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, became the prime minister, but relinquished her position to stand in the presidential election in November 1994, which she won. Her mother, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, became prime minister, her third term over a span of four decades.

          In July 1999, the moderate Tamil politician Neelam Tiruchelvam, the architect of the government’s devolution plans, was killed by a suicide bomber in Colombo. In an early presidential election of December 1999, having narrowly escaped assassination, Kumaratunga won her second term with 51% of the votes while her main rival, UNP leader Ranil Wickremasinghe, received nearly 43%. The winning margin was less than in 1994. In August 2000, the government failed to gain the two-thirds majority of parliament for its constitutional reform, designed to end the 17-year civil war (see ‘Communal conflict’ below). This entailed the devolution of substantial powers on elected councils in seven provinces and an interim appointed council in the two provinces (Northern and North-Eastern) with majority Tamil populations.

          Communal conflict
          After independence, the Sinhalese became the dominant social and political force and the Tamils felt that they were being marginalised, especially after 1956 when Sinhala was made the official language.

          Several different Tamil parties formed and demanded that the Northern and Eastern provinces become part of a federal state or, when this was refused, an independent homeland.

          The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE or Tamil Tigers) was formed in 1977 and from around 1980 began attacks on politicians, the police and the army in the north. This brought a Sinhalese backlash in the south: in July 1983 there were riots against Tamils in Colombo and the south-west of the country, and Tamils fled to the north and Tamil Nadu in India. The army deployed in the north, the conflict escalated, and the Tamil Tigers gained effective control of Jaffna and the northern peninsula.

          The Indian Government attempted to mediate and, in July 1987, President J R Jayewardene and Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi arranged a ceasefire, supervised by Indian troops. Under the Indo-Lanka Accord provincial councils were introduced as a solution to the conflict. The provincial councils for the Northern and Eastern provinces were to be temporarily merged into a single council.
          Some Indian-supported Tamil groups accepted the arrangement, and elections for the new council proceeded. However, the Tamil Tigers refused to co-operate, and in 1988 Jayewardene asked the Indian Government to withdraw its troops. The Tigers took control of the vacated areas and fighting continued with few breaks into the 21st century and by 2001 it was estimated that more than 60,000 people had died in the conflict. After it came to power in the August 1994 general election, the People’s Alliance government engaged in peace talks with the LTTE, but after four rounds the Tigers unilaterally abrogated the ceasefire that had been in force and relaunched the war. Their leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, appeared to remain committed to fighting for a separate state. In 1995, government forces recaptured the town of Jaffna, forcing the LTTE to withdraw into dense jungle, and the war continued.

          From 1996 LTTE attacked substantial civilian and economic targets outside the operational area, and especially in Colombo. Ten days before the celebration to mark 50 years of independence, on 25 January 1998 a truck was exploded by LTTE suicide bombers as they drove it through the gates of the country’s most sacred Buddhist site, the Temple of the Tooth at Kandy, killing 16 people. In mid-2001, the Tigers attacked the international airport near Colombo, destroying several civilian and military aeroplanes. In February 2000 Norway agreed to provide a special envoy to act as intermediary in peace talks and he held several rounds of talks.
          In March 2000, the LTTE began a new offensive on the Jaffna peninsula – held by government forces since 1995 – and the government declared a state of war for the first time and suspended all non-essential development projects. In April, the LTTE captured the strategic Elephant Pass base, denying government troops the only land route into the peninsula. By May, the Tigers had driven the government forces back to the suburbs of the city of Jaffna, proving themselves as a professional fighting force, deploying sophisticated weapons including heavy artillery captured at Elephant Pass.

          Despite the declaration of a unilateral ceasefire from December 2000 to April 2001 by LTTE, and the continuing efforts of the Norwegian envoy, the warring parties could not agree to meet and deadlock continued until a UNP government was elected in December 2001. A ceasefire was agreed with the LTTE in February 2002, allowing Norwegian facilitators to organise peace talks between the government and the separatists. The first round of talks was held in Thailand in September 2002, when talks focused on reconstruction of the areas affected by the war and the return of displaced people, and dates for further talks were agreed.
          As the peace talks proceeded, LTTE dropped its demand for a separate Tamil state and agreed to work towards a federal system and, for the first time, the government also agreed to share power with the LTTE. After the sixth round of talks, held in Japan in March 2003, progress slowed and LTTE failed to attend the international donor conferences focusing on Sri Lanka’s development priorities in Tokyo in June 2003. However, with aid donors exerting increasing pressure, a seventh round of talks was eventually scheduled for November 2003 to discuss proposals for a power-sharing administration in the north and east of the country.
          After the election in April 2004, there were efforts to get the stalled peace process under way again. The new government invited the Norwegian mediators to return to the country to arrange peace talks between LTTE and the government, but governing alliance partner JVP remained staunchly opposed to any solution that involved power-sharing. In late 2006 there were two major set-backs to the peace process: in October peace talks with the Norwegian mediators in Geneva broke down without agreement; and in December, with hostilities already intensifying, the LTTE’s senior negotiator, Anton Balasingham, died. For most of 2007 it was apparent that the ceasefire agreement signed in 2002 was no longer respected by the parties; the government officially withdrew from the agreement in January 2008.

          By January 2009, after very intense fighting in the north-east of the country, government forces were reported to be in control of most of the country including the LTTE strongholds of the Jaffna Peninsula, Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu, and claimed they were very close to defeating the LTTE. There were mounting concerns in the international community about the security of an estimated 250,000 civilians trapped in the conflict zone. In May 2009 LTTE leader and founder Velupillai Prabhakaran died in combat. The government proclaimed victory and the war that began in 1983 was declared over. At the conclusion of hostilities almost 300,000 displaced persons who had fled the conflict were housed in camps established by the government. At the beginning of 2010, the majority of internally displaced persons had been permitted to leave the camps.

          – See more at: Sri Lanka : History | The Commonwealth

          http://thecommonwealth.org/our-member-countries/sri-lanka/history

          Thiru

          I checked it again today this is what I found:

          Sri Lanka : History

          History

          <>

          • 0
            0

            Thiru and Native Vedda,

            Commonwealth Secretariat Says:

            1. “Sri Lanka appears to have been inhabited from as early as 125,000 BC”

            1. Incorrect. Hoho Sapiens did nor leave Africa Until about 75,000 years ago

            2.”Balangoda Man was the ancestor of the present-day Veddhas, a racial minority now inhabiting remote forests. “

            Correct, but they were there 30,000 years ago. They walked to their Land.

            All the others are Paras from South and East India.

            The Vedda Tribe

            https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f89NuukY32U

            Tamil-speaking Veddas of Vaharai await war recovery support

            https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HeFCuZwexRw

        • 1
          1

          Hi Thiru!
          How could Democracy is viable in Sri Lanka
          Take for example the Sri Lankan Flag which was raised by Mr.Sampanthan sometime back. The flag depicts a Lion with a sword warning the minorities which is depicted as two vertical lines on the flag, to be careful and forewarned or you will be massacred. That is the state of the Flag. First of all Can the minorities accept this flag of warning as its flag and respect it. This reflects the mentality of the majority community and would never change for good governance.

          The Sinhalese will not share power with the Tamils at any time. Therefore the Tamil community should continue to demand for a referendum to decide and determine their fate.

    • 14
      0

      Selvarajah

      “If Mahinda is replaced, some new jokers will emerge from the winner’s camp to threat and steal”

      This island is bored with old staled jokers and jokes. Lets have new ones with fresh jokes. Don’t you think it would be more fun?

      My only regret would be missing Mervyn, his son, Rajiva, Keheliya Rambukwella, Wimal Weerawansa, Mohan Pieris, …

      I suppose I can live without their jokes.

    • 4
      0

      “If Mahinda is replaced, some new jokers will emerge from the winner’s camp to threat and steal”.

      If you allow Mahinda to continue with the existing law (I would put it this way: instead of existing law,I prefer existing way or method or practice), he will make sure that no one replace him other than his Family (most probably next one is Namal). He will make some changes to the constitution to that effect. For him it is very easy to make changes without any referendum because most of the members we elected were modayas, they are not patriotic to good values or good governance, all of them are well trained corrupt.

    • 0
      0

      Dear The Australian Advocacy for Good Governance in Sri Lanka (AAGGSL)

      Good Move.

      Get an Anonymous Author, like Thomas Paine, and-write, publish and Distribute the Common sense Pamphlet

      Common Sense (pamphlet)

      http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Common_Sense_(pamphlet)

      Common Sense[1] is a pamphlet written by Thomas Paine in 1775–76 that inspired people in the Thirteen Colonies to declare and fight for independence from Great Britain in the summer of 1776. In clear, simple language it explained the advantages of and the need for immediate independence. It was published anonymously on January 10, 1776, at the beginning of the American Revolution and became an immediate sensation. It was sold and distributed widely and read aloud at taverns and meeting places. Washington had it read to all his troops, which at the time had surrounded the British army in Boston. In proportion to the population of the colonies at that time (2.5 million), it had the largest sale and circulation of any book published in American history.[2]

      Common Sense presented the American colonists with an argument for freedom from British rule at a time when the question of whether or not to seek independence was the central issue of the day. Paine wrote and reasoned in a style that common people understood. Forgoing the philosophical and Latin references used by Enlightenment era writers, he structured Common Sense as if it were a sermon, and relied on Biblical references to make his case to the people.[3] He connected independence with common dissenting Protestant beliefs as a means to present a distinctly American political identity.[4] Historian Gordon S. Wood described Common Sense as “the most incendiary and popular pamphlet of the entire revolutionary era”.[5]

    • 3
      0

      Selva, I do share your despondency. Mahinda is as good as any other rogue administration that is bound to replace his family empire.

      Most people who are voters today in Sri Lanka have been to school, are literate, well placed with numeracy but somehow have failed to grasp the fundamentals of democracy. Who ever who coined the words ‘Sinhalaya Modaya’ has hit the nail on the head.

    • 0
      0

      The Australian Advocacy for Good Governance in Sri Lanka (AAGGSL)

      Convenors: Wimal Jayakody, Shyamon Jayasinghe, Sarath Jayasuriya, Saliya Galappaththi, Ranjith Weerasinghe, Lionel Bopage, Ari Pitipana, Anura Manchanayake, Ajith Rajapakse

      Good work, but the message needs to go out to the people, common people.

      See how it was done by Thomas Paine in 1776.

      They had

      1. The Common Sense Pamphlet

      http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Common_Sense_(pamphlet)

      2. United States Declaration of Independence

      Need Sri Lanka Declaration of Independence from Rahapaksa Dynasty and Dictatorship.

      http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Declaration_of_Independence

      3. The Constitution and Bill of rights

      http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_Bill_of_Rights

    • 1
      0

      “Australian Advocacy for Good Governance in Sri Lanka (AAGGSL)” seems to be a good cover for UNP and ex-JVP stooges like Sarath Jayasuriya (none other than Upul Jayasuriya’s brother), Shyamon Jayasinghe ( a known beneficiary of the Premadasa regime) and the LTTE hatchet man (ex-JVP) Lionel Bopage.

      The good thing is that they are not in Sri Lanka!

  • 6
    1

    Selvarajah,

    “(If someone asks me whether there is any law and order in the country, I am unable to answer!)”.

    Let me answer for you. Hell No!

    Cheers!

  • 6
    1

    Excellent initiative by The Australian Advocacy for Good Governance in Sri Lanka (AAGGSL).

    Sri Lankan expats on all continents must follow suit. Must unite. Rather than passively whining about LTTE Die-Ass-Pora’s anti-Sri Lankan agenda.

    A broad & inclusive coalition across all political, ethnic & religious groupings is required. Not just within SL, but outside as well.

    One goal in mind uprooting Rajapassa Clan from corridors of power and administration of SL. No progress can be achieved otherwise.

    That way we can give King Kong a Royal welcome, when his wasteful plane load of cronies & henchmen arrive in NYC for the UN assembly. Among other things.

    Rajapassa clan is already weary of Sri Lankan Die-ass-pora. They are suspicious and see them as a problem to their dynasty building project.

    Cheers!

    • 7
      1

      Ben Hurling

      “Sri Lankan expats on all continents must follow suit. Must unite. Rather than passively whining about LTTE Die-Ass-Pora’s anti-Sri Lankan agenda.”

      If you open up a serious discussion on a
      secular constitution,
      devolution,
      decentralization addressing local concerns and local solutions based on their needs,
      removing all powers centered in few hands,
      accountability,
      rule of law,
      war crimes committed from 5th April 1971),
      disproportionate powers,
      a promise to review Mahawamsa history (Bestiality, Incest, Parricide)and
      remove it from school text books,
      …………
      basically restructuring the state and restoring democracy (removing majoritarian ideas vested in the state and safe guarding from tyranny of the majority)

      ……………………..

      people from all corners of this land will join you.

      Regime change will only facilitate another tyrant easy access to power (EGYPT).

      You should write a paper on restructuring the state and democratizing governance, power to the people, etc.

      I hope J Mutthu will be right behind you.

  • 2
    8

    Do any of these Advocates have day jobs?…

    No offence,, Just curiosity.

    My elders tell me things are tough out there down under specially for our Dalits from South Asian countries.

    Mainly because the Economy is stagnant. Industries are closing down and even janitorial jobs are harder to find..

    Perhaps these gentlemen should help the new arrivals to settle down there and find jobs, rather than trying to give Democracy good governance to the Dalits back in ex homeland…

    • 7
      0

      K.A Sumanasekera

      “Mainly because the Economy is stagnant. Industries are closing down and even janitorial jobs are harder to find..”

      Once upon time in the 1980s when Australia suffered recession some of the Mahaweli funds were diverted to Australia to help it kick start its economy, of course according to my Elders. Those funds were used to revive Australian agriculture sector, particularly farms and apple orchards.

      What I hear from many and particularly from JVP poster boy, there is surplus funds available in the private sector mainly earned through various commissions (rates varying from 10, 20 to 30%)of sort, idling (barren money)in various banks which can be put to very good use.

      Being an economist and a business consultant you should be in the forefront persuading the barren money Barons to invest it in down under, in various sectors, in the process creating more janitorial jobs (meant no offence to this profession) for the recent Tamil/Sinhala kallathonies already in Australia.

      Unemployed has to start somewhere.

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        Dear Native,

        You seem to know a bit about Investments & Returns in G 20..

        You can start an outfit to draw in those Funds from our Elite, Anglicans and the Vellalas.to invest in Aussie Farms and Toronto Vineyards.

        And there won’t be any conversion losses unlike our Dalist who have to turn Yuan in to Dollars . That is if your right..

        But you have to be quick after your mate Ranil met Surendran’s troops in London to discuss a wide range of activities.

        Investments in Dollars and Pounds , I am sure was on the top of the list.

        But still you have the edge because you can cut out the Middleman in London.

        Plus avoid any extra levies for the LTTE now that the EU has given them Tax free status as a Charity organization…

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        Dear Native,

        Forgot to add.

        Just imagine the talent and expertise you can draw on from the list of luminaries here in the “Demand for Democracy”. which covers the full gamut of Political , Economical , and Industrial expertise.

        Plus, you have Professor Lucky, Dr Shaymon ( Is he ) and Dr Seneviratna plus may be few dudes in Toronto..

        What a board of Directors would that be…

        It will beat even the HSBC as an Investment Arm for Asians.. I mean South Asians…

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      K.A Sumanasekera,

      Forget Dalits.

      What shall we do with “Laptop Wallahs” such as yourself?

      Cheers!

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    Great initiative and declaration. Every human being, whether they like it or not are born to some man made country defined by borders and a way of Governance. If those borders limit the whims of refuge of those citizens, then that Governance should protect them as human beings. The best model humans have come up with this is the concept of a republic in my view. In a republic, citizens sit above the highest authority of Government. This literally means, citizens can dictate terms to their own representative EVEN AFTER the representatives are elected. So, the term Democratic …..Republic of Sri Lanka should have protected this supreme power reserved for the people.

    So, the humiliation of this right starting from blocking online news papers to disappearances of writers like Pradeep Eknaligoda should come to and end, hopefully through this initiative to abolish the executive presidency which is not held responsible for wrongdoing under law.

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    Selvarajah – I haven’t been to Srilanka for a long time now, is Angoda is still functioning at the same place.

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      “is Angoda .. still functioning at the same place?”

      The tone of your question – which seem to ridicule mental illness – is a good example of lack of appreciation of the nature of this important medical condition by yourself and the ilk you are promoting. And you want us to trust such people for establishing good governance of Sri Lanka?.

      Judging by the corruption free, nepotism free, super efficient, super talented political leaders and governments we had before Rajapaksas’ I am convinced that the current bunch is no worse than any other who are clamoring to replace them since all politicians are equally selfish and corrupt.

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      Senthil: please do not ridicule mentally ill people. Not only mental illness, we should not ridicule anyone by their illness – it’s very, very wrong, ok?

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    Senthil……. Angoda awaits your return.
    But remember to keep out of the North. You guys financed the murderers and we paid with the lives of our youth and children while you & yours were in save enviroments.

    Don’t visit leave us alone.

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    Our actions are Democratic and Our tastes are Aristocratic.

    That is what AAGGSL is doing.

    They want to Screw up Sri Lankans while living a not so happy lives in Australia.

    Why don’t they write this thing to the Australian govt and ask give the same conditions for Australian Aborigines.

    They are enjoying a selective semocracy and even in that democracy I don’t think they can become anybody that they like to be except talking big.

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    AAGGSL has expressed the wish of all peoples of sri lanka.
    If all proposals are implemented, our land will achieve prosperity and happiness.
    I hope that a ‘common candidate’ who is acceptable to all is selected.
    This is the last chance for the foreseeable future to achieve democracy for our beloved country.
    This coming election will decide the fate of all of us.

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    Amare.
    Thomas Paine seems to be your Hero!

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    Very courageous attempt by our Australian Diaspora. Everybody must throw in their weight to oust the family dictatorship. Rajapakse has subjugated Sri Lanka. He is soon to be doomed and will eventually be taken before International Criminal Court. His family and the stooges will have to soon go into hiding to save the bad money they have collected.

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